2
The Imprimatur of Patent Offices in the Face of Reforms

2.1. Introduction

Over the past four decades, the patent system has undergone major changes in line with the expansion of the field of patentability and the strengthening of the protection conferred. These changes have led certain commentators to consider that there is a risk of over-protection (Beckerman-Rodau [BEC 11]) related to the stacking of intellectual property rights (patents, copyright, brands, designs and models) and network effects in certain industries like software. According to some economists, this risk would lead to a “tax” on innovation (Jaffe and Lerner [JAF 04]) and would be indicative of a crisis in the patent system, as illustrated by the increase in litigation and the rise of entities known as “patent trolls” (Bessen and Meurer [BES 08], Burk and Lemley [BUR 09])1. Although most agree about the necessity of reforming the patent system (FTC [FTC 03], Jaffe and Lerner [JAF 04], Bessen and Meurer [BES 08], Burk and Lemley [BUR 09])2, the debates are undecided about the direction and practical aspects of these reforms.

In response to critiques concerning the patent system and proposals to abolish it on the basis that no argument proves that the patent system is significantly profitable for innovation (Boldrin and Levine [BOL 08]), we have observed a weakening movement in patent law for a few years now. This is the result of a reform to the patent system in the United States (the America Invents Act3) and recent decisions in the Supreme Court of the United States of America which reversed a certain number of decisions by the Court of Appeals of the Federal Circuit4. In contrast, these recent changes have led certain commentators to believe that intellectual property is “under siege” and that there is now a risk of under-protection that could lead to under-investment in innovation (Harris [HAR 16], Ohlhausen [OHL 16]).

Faced with these disagreements, the question is obviously to find out where the “middle path” is when it comes to Intellectual Property Rights (IPRs) protection. The answer is complex and depends on what is considered to be an optimal patent system. This chapter is not intended to answer this question, but rather intends to present an overview of the patent system for inventors and rights holders. First, we will present some factual elements about patent applications, the number of patents granted over the last four decades, and their connections (or lack thereof) with the evolution of productivity (section 2.2). Next, institutional changes that have occurred in the United States will be discussed (section 2.3). These changes led to an extension and a reinforcement of the patent system starting in the 1980s and then heading in a new direction as of 2005. The limits of patentability are so vague that the US Patent and Trademark Office (USPTO) continues to specify how the inventions concerned ought to be examined. Finally, the changes that have occurred and that are still to come in Europe will be addressed (section 2.4). Particular attention will be paid to the possible consequences of the implementation of the European unitary patent.

2.2. The exponential demography of patents

Faced with increased competition between countries brought on by globalization, the construction of a knowledge-based economy is often presented as an imperative to maintain growth, as much in developed Western countries as in the most industrialized Asian countries such as Japan and Korea, and now China as well5. The availability of exhaustive databases about patents, covering a long period, has led to using statistical information about patents to measure and follow the development of this knowledge economy (Griliches [GRI 90])6. Aside from the exhaustive and long-term nature of these databases, concentrating on information about patents offers the advantage of focusing on the supposed results of innovation rather than on efforts made, especially in terms of R&D7. Heavy reliance on patent data has a well-known flaw, however. Looking at innovation through the lens of only patents introduces a bias, since not all innovations are necessarily patented. This can lead to either systematically under-valuing innovation, or under-valuing it during periods when the use of patents is less preferred than, for example, relying on secrecy. Whatever the case, statistics about patents have created the idea of an exponential demography of patents.

Figure 2.1 illustrates the evolution of patent applications at the five most solicited offices, the American office (USPTO), the European office (EPO), the Japanese office (JPO), the Chinese office (SIPO) and the South Korean office (KIPO). The period covered ranges from 1978 to 20148. The data was extracted from the Patstat© database9, one of the largest and most complete in the world, because not only does it cover patents filed with the EPO and national offices of member countries of the European Patent Convention (EPC), it also incorporates a significant amount of information from several patent offices outside of Europe10. Figure 2.1 shows that the number of patent applications to the five offices mentioned above systematically increased over the period in question11. This evolution must be compared with the appearance of new technologies such as biotechnologies since the end of the 1970s, and ICTs since the 1980s12. It is also related to significant regulatory changes that occurred in Europe and the United States over the last few decades and which moved toward reinforcing and extending the field of patentability (see below). The growth rate is different depending on the office in question. Unquestionably, the growth that is the most spectacular and the most consistent with the idea of exponential growth concerns applications made to SIPO13. According to Carsten Fink [CAR 16], chief economist at WIPO, China is organizing a transition from “made in China” to “created in China” because 85% of patent requests are now domestic14. Having started from zero before 1985 with the absence of patent laws in China, the SIPO is number one in the world today, ahead of USPTO since 2012. The USPTO only dominated in terms of the number of applications for a very short period, as the JPO received the most requests from 1978 to 2004. However, the USPTO saw the number of requests increase in a relatively exponential manner whereas the JPO saw a clear compression, even a decrease, as of the 2000s. The growth of requests made to the EPO is much more moderate. If we compare the data on patent applications with the economic size of the geographical areas concerned, as measured by the gross domestic product, the EPO seems to attract far fewer requests than the other offices, with the KIPO being equal in the last decade for a significantly smaller economy. This comment should nevertheless be qualified given that the area covered by the EPO has a double system, which includes the EPO that grants European patents and the national offices that grant their own patents in parallel. The five patent offices in Figure 2.1 alone account for more than four-fifths of all patent applications filed. In 20 years, the number of patents has multiplied by 2.5 on a global scale, growing more quickly than the R&D effort.

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Figure 2.1. Evolution of the number of patent requests at five main offices globally (Source: Patstat© data extracted and treated by the authors (2017)). For a color version of this figure, see www.iste.co.uk/baudry/patents.zip

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Figure 2.2. Evolution of success rates for patent requests at five main offices globally (Source: Patstat© data extracted and treated by the authors (2017)). For a color version of this figure, see www.iste.co.uk/baudry/patents.zip

The increase in patent requests only partially reflects the increase in patents granted. Not all requests result in a grant, as a request can be withdrawn by the applicant or refused by the office15. For the same period and the same offices as Figure 2.1, Figure 2.2 provides information about what is currently designated as the success rate of requests. This rate is calculated for each annual cohort by finding the ratio between the number of patents granted within that cohort according to the latest information and the number of patents in the cohort. Potentially long disclosure times (up to several years) mean that this rate has a downward bias for the most recent years. However, Figure 2.1 shows a general tendency for lower rates of success over the entire period from 1978 to 2014 for all offices, with the exception of SIPO. SIPO’s rate of success increased as this new office was maturing, and then decreased and stabilized at the same level as the success rate for the other offices. The 2011 cohort displayed a success rate that hovered around 45% for all of the offices, except the EPO whose success rate was only 20.5%.

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Figure 2.3. Evolution of patent requests by geographical area (Source: Patstat© data extracted and treated by the authors (2017)). For a color version of this figure, see www.iste.co.uk/baudry/patents.zip

The distribution of patent requests according to geographic zone and its evolution over the period stretching from 1978 to 2014 is provided by Figure 2.3. It confirms the dominance of Asia (at least East and South-East Asia), even if the gap that appears starting from the 2000s is mainly due to the emergence of Chinese patents. North America (the United States and Canada) is the second area since the start of the 2000s to surpass the EPC member countries zone, with the other areas appearing fairly marginal. It should be noted that, for the EPC member countries zone, the sum of patents filed with the EPO and those filed with national offices is reported. This explains why the number of requests is different from the number provided for the EPO in Figure 2.1. The decrease in the number of requests for this zone during the 2000s is also explained by this particularity. Applicants have tended to file fewer patents through the different national tracks, but in parallel, they have increasingly filed at the EPO. The decrease in national patents applied for translates into less fragmented requests between different national offices to cover Europe and increased use of the European system. In any event, Figure 2.3 demonstrates that the phenomenon of exponential growth in patent requests is a problem that concerns a few countries above all, particularly China and the United States as they dominate the global patent scene. This problem affects Europe decidedly less. Thus, a distinction has to be made between the United States and Europe (or at least the EPO) for which institutional changes will be detailed further on in this chapter.

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Figure 2.4. Evolution of the number of patent families worldwide (Source: Patstat© data extracted and treated by the authors (2017)). For a color version of this figure, see www.iste.co.uk/baudry/patents.zip

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Figure 2.5. Evolution of the composition of patent families worldwide (Source: Patstat© data extracted and treated by the authors (2017)). For a color version of this figure, see www.iste.co.uk/baudry/patents.zip

One of the limitations of an office by office assessment of patent requests is that today, a single invention is often patented in several different offices. Patent counts can therefore include many duplications of inventions. One way to avoid this problem is to distinguish patent families. There are different ways to construct a patent family, although they all tend to “trace” a single invention through different offices (Martinez [MAR 10]). Figures 2.4 and 2.5 were constructed using the patent families identified by the DOCDB table by Patstat©. Figure 2.4 shows an evolution that is fairly disconnected from the total number of patents requested and the total number of families across the world. This disconnection can be explained by the strong increase in the number of isolated patents, which make up a mono-patent family, a large part of which is made up of patents filed with the SIPO. The high number of Chinese mono-patent families also explains the decrease in the average size of families and the proportion of families with more than one patent shown by Figure 2.5. If we rely on the number of families reported in Figure 2.4, the number of patented inventions would “only” have doubled between 1978 and 2014, which is decidedly less than the near-quintupling that a simple patent count around the world would seem to indicate. The fact remains that the increase in patented inventions is significant. However, several critics of the patent system emphasize that this increase does not seem to produce real effects on our economies.

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Figure 2.6. Co-evolution of patents filed and average labor productivity (Source: Patstat© data extracted and treated by the authors (2017) and OECD iLibrary data). For a color version of this figure, see www.iste.co.uk/baudry/patents.zip

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Figure 2.7. Co-evolution of patents filed and total-factor productivity (Source: Patstat© data extracted and treated by the authors (2017) and OECD iLibrary data). For a color version of this figure, see www.iste.co.uk/baudry/patents.zip

Boldrin et al. [BOL 11] explore the link between productivity and patents at the industry level in the United States. The results presented concern labor productivity but they confirm finding similar results for global productivity factors. Figures 2.6 and 2.7 take up this idea but focus on national data over a period stretching from 1990 to 201316. Figure 2.6 presents the simultaneous evolution of the number of patents filed and the average labor productivity for seven countries: the United States (US), Germany (DE), France (FR), Sweden (SE), Japan (JP), South Korea (KR) and China (CN). For Germany, France and Sweden, the number of patents is the sum of patents filed domestically and with the EPO. The leftmost end point of the curve for each country corresponds to the year 1990 and the rightmost end point corresponds to the year 2013, with the points appearing on the curve by year (they correspond to the pairs formed by the “number of patents filed” read along the horizontal axis and the “average labor productivity” read on the vertical axis). The average labor productivity is calculated by finding the ratio between the gross domestic product expressed in constant dollars from 2005 and the labor force corresponding to the active population according to the International Labor Organization. For each country, a positive correlation appears between the two variables over time. On the other hand, the same number of patents can be associated with very different levels of average labor productivity depending on the country. These two effects can be explained by a limitation of the univariate analysis conducted here: a third variable not taken into account in the graph, in this case stock capital, is likely to explain just as well, or even much better than patent requests, the returns realized in the average labor productivity. Figure 2.7 circumvents this limitation by measuring the total-factor productivity (TFP). TFP measures how much the gross domestic product of a country has increased compared to the previous year, by offsetting what is attributable to the increase in the different production factors, primarily labor and capital. TPF is measured here by chaining over the different years an annual Malmquist productivity index obtained using the data envelopment analysis (Färe et al. [FAR 94])17. The advantage of this index is that it is calculated by accounting for all production factors. Similar to Figure 2.6, Figure 2.7 presents the simultaneous evolution of the number of patents filed and the chained values of the Malmquist productivity index for the same seven countries. The starting value for the Malmquist index is standardized to one in 1990. Figure 2.7 demonstrates that the countries that saw the strongest productivity gains over the period from 1990 to 2013 (South Korea, Sweden, and to a lesser extent, France) were not necessarily the countries that received the most patent requests. Similarly, at the end of this period, Japan saw an increase in its TFP while at the same time, patent applications to the JPO stalled. On the other hand, the United States and China saw their offices quickly accumulate patent applications over the entire period but their productivity returns were low (for the United States) and negative (for China18). To paraphrase Solow [SOL 87], who cited seeing computers everywhere except in growth figures, we are tempted to say, given Figure 2.7, that we find patents everywhere except in productivity gains.

It must be said that there is little statistical evidence concerning the existence of a strong link between, on the one hand, the demography of patents and, on the other hand, innovation as understood by the expected consequences in terms of productivity gains. Should we conclude, like Boldrin et al. [BOL 11] that the patent system is inefficient for promoting innovation? Or rather, should we see it as a consequence of a change in the protection strategy for innovations that rely more intensely on intellectual property than in the past, without fundamentally changing the pace of innovation? Answering these questions requires analyzing the way in which patent rules are implemented and how they determine actors’ practices. It should be noted that today, the role actually played by patents can appear to be out of step with its traditional theoretical role. A certain number of studies have tried to untangle the causes of this offset. Some of the identified reasons include: (1) the intensification of R&D which provides significant input for the process of generating new patentable inventions (Hu and Jefferson [HU 09]) (2) the “friendly court hypothesis”19 according to Allison and Lemley [ALL 98]; (3) the “fertile technology opportunity” by Kortum and Lerner [KOR 99], which is that the increase in patent requests could be motivated by breakthroughs in certain technologies and by the restructuring of the management of innovation within and between companies; (4) different institutional biases of the USPTO and its capture by “clients” (Kahin [KAH 00])20; (5) lobbying action taken at the end of the 1970s by companies to the American Congress in order to increase intellectual property protection faced with Asian competition, particularly as copyright protection, for semiconductors for example, was judged insufficient (Hunt [HUN 99]) and the implementation of volountary policies supporting patenting, particularly for SMEs, in Europe (the so-called viagra of innovation policy according to Arundel [ARU 01]). (6) finally, the “patent subsidy hypothesis”, which aims to encourage granting patents through deductions and reimbursements for processing fees, is one of the key drivers for the increase in patent requests in China (Dang and Motohashi [DAN 15], Li [LI 12]). In what follows, we will focus on the institutional and jurisdictional changes having affected two offices for which the empirical elements diverge somewhat: the USPTO and the EPO. Before going into detail about the institutional changes, Figure 2.8 offers a glimpse at the differences in the patent examination and issuing procedures between these two offices. Although the process followed by the USPTO has become substantially more similar to that of the EPO since 2013, significant differences persist. The most glaring differences are, on the one hand, the possibility of re-submission to the USPTO, whereas withdrawal or rejection have an almost irrevocable nature for the EPO and, on the other hand, the splitting of the European patent in a bundle of national patents that have separate rights in the case of the EPO.

2.3. The impact of regulatory factors and legal decisions in the United States

In the United States, jurisdictional practice and significant modifications to patent law have progressively reinforced and extended, over time, the field of patentable inventions21. However, this did not prevent the prevalence, up until the start of the 1980s, of a certain distrust on the part of the Supreme Court22 and authorities in charge of the competition policy vis-à-vis patents. In the 1970s, American authorities proclaimed the clauses deemed forbidden from licensingcontracts (“the nine no-no’s”)23. The distrust gradually dissipated, however, in favor of the creation of the Court of Appeals of the Federal Circuit (CAFC) in 1982, the only Court of Appeals having a ratione materiae jurisdiction instead of a territorial jurisdiction24. The creation of this court can be explained by the fact that at the end of the 1970s, there was a strong sense of discontent about the way federal courts decided patent issues, in particular the frequency with which the courts invalidated patents. In addition, there is evidence that patents were treated differently by federal courts in different American states (Hunt [HUN 99]). The centralization of the appeals process for patents, created in 1982, made it possible to reduce the disparities in the treatment of existing patents across district federal courts. However, specialist judges sitting in this new court are often criticized for having adopted a pro-patent stance and causing the case law to evolve in a way that is favorable to patent holders (Allison and Lemley [ALL 98])25. In this movement, a certain number of “inventions” considered to be abstract ideas, and therefore excluded from the field of patentability according to the Freeman–Walter–Abele (FWA) test26, had a more “liberal” interpretation by the Supreme Court and CAFC judges during the 1980s and 1990s, such as the decision in Chakrabarty27 in 1980 which approved the patentability of living organisms, the rulings in Diamond v. Diehr28 in 1981 and Alappat29 in 1994 which recognized the patentability of software, the judgment re Lowry30 in 1994 on the patentability of data structures or the decision in State Street v. signature in 199831 about business methods. Effectively, the Federal Circuit gradually eroded the requirement that a software invention be related to a particular machine32. It now considers software or a business method to be patentable, independent of the form in which they were implemented, if the invention produces “useful, concrete and tangible results”33.

These decisions, which promoted the idea that “everything under the sun that is made by man can be patented”34, had the effect of “opening the floodgates” in the field of software and business methods. An analysis of statistical data shows that in 1991, software patents and commercial methods patents represented about 20% of the patents granted by the USPTO35. By 2011, this number had grown to 50%. In volume, the number of software patents during this period rose from about 25,000 patents per year to 125,000 in 2011. Although the CAFC can be considered to have unified the case law in patent matters, its pro-patent bias translated into relaxing the criteria of non-obviousness, according to Cotropia [COT 07]. Hunt [HUN 99] showed that the decisions made by the CAFC changed the way in which the criteria of non-obviousness is considered by USPTO patent examiners and, more specifically, the fact that more attention has been brought to so-called secondary factors, such as commercial success, unfilled long-standing needs, or the failure of competitors to realize an expected outcome36. Dunner et al. [DUN 95] showed that the CAFC, at its start, was two times more likely to reverse a decision establishing that an invention was obvious than to reverse a statement of non-obviousness by a lower court (31% as opposed to 14%). However, a more in-depth study of the decisions made by the CAFC under section 10137 over a period of 15 years shows that it invalidated patents due to their obviousness in 58% of cases, which challenges the allegations of “patentee-friendliness” (Petherbridge and Wagner [PET 07]). Parallel to extending the field of patentability, the CAFC also significantly strengthened the rights conferred by patents. This translated into judgments predominantly in favor of rights holders (Love [LOV 09], Durie and Lemley [DUR 10]) and a greater ease for patent holders to obtain injunctions (Grumbles III et al. [GRU 09]).

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Figure 2.8. Comparison of patent filing and granting procedures at the European Patent Office and the US Patent and Trademarkk Office

It should be noted that the above-mentioned developments in the case law are unique to the American patent system, which is based on common law. This gives judges a great deal of flexibility to rule on the cases submitted to them. Indeed, in the English-speaking common law legal tradition, unlike countries that follow the civil law tradition, the jurisprudence can rapidly evolve without necessarily resorting to the lawmakers to modify patent law. This explains, at least in part, why the United States has long been a pioneer in fields like medicine or biotechnology and were the first to recognize the patentability of living organisms (Diamond v. Chakrabarty [DIA 80])38 and transgenic animals Oncomouse [ONC 88]39.

Strengthening the rights accorded to patent owners also affected entities who were not traditionally involved, principally, in commercial activity or developing inventions. The adoption in 1980 of the Bayh Dole Act40 made it possible for American universities supported by public funds and more generally, for all non-profit organizations supported by federal funding for their research, to patent their inventions. This legal provision promoted technology transfers toward the private sector, as well as the commercial application of discoveries resulting from public and university research.

2.3.1. Patent continuations or “evergreening”

Lemley and Moore [LEM 03] show that in practice, it is very difficult for the USPTO to definitively reject a patent request and refuse to grant a patent. Even when the examiner concludes that an invention is patentable and issues an opinion in favor of its patentability, the applicant always reserves the right to abandon the initial request considered patentable and restart the process. Alternatively, the applicant can accept the “narrow” patent while at the same time apply to the USPTO to receive supplementary or larger claims for the same patent request. These practices are legal in the United States and fall under what are called “patent continuations”41.

The practice of patent continuations introduces substantial delays into the patent examination and significant uncertainty for competing firms. Competitors have difficulty determining the future of a patent request and above all, in the event that it is granted, the final scope of what it protects. This is all the more true because in practice, the “back and forth” between the patent applicant and the examiner can be such that the former is likely to get the go-ahead from an examiner by attrition, meaning that the applicant ends up obtaining an extended patent not through merit but because the examiner had no further incentive or desire to refuse granting the patent any longer42. In addition, patent continuations can allow patent applicants to indefinitely delay the granting of their patents. In doing so, applicants have the opportunity to better understand the evolution of the market and adapt to it. Patent applicants can observe their competitor’s projects and then draft new claims, specifically designed to counter these projects. The result is that in the end, they obtain a patent that has more value than the one initially requested at the start of the life cycle of the product and/or the market43. This practice amounts to “evergreening” in the sense that it substantially slows a patent’s obsolescence. Finally, certain patent holders intentionally use this practice to delay the granting of their patent in order to surprise a mature market, a process known as “submarine patenting”. This practice was made possible because patent requests filed before the year 2000 remained secret until the patent was granted. Consequently, competitors could not know if patent requests, likely to cover their products, were awaiting review.

From a legal perspective, continuation requests are treated like a new application, which gives the applicant a new chance to persuade the examiner to grant initial claims or to modify them, and even obtain a new patent examiner and so on, ad infinitum. This type of practice is not illegal. The Federal Circuit clearly indicated that the law allows for revising written claims during the examination period in order to cover the products of a competitor. In Kingsdown Medical Consultants v. Hollister44, the court stated:

“It should be made clear […] that there is nothing improper, illegal or inequitable in filing a patent application for the purpose of obtaining a right to exclude a known competitor’s product from the market; nor is it in any manner improper to amend or insert claims intended to cover a competitor’s product the applicant’s attorney has learned about during the prosecution of a patent application. Any such amendment or insertion must comply with all statutes and regulations, of course, but, if it does, its genesis in the marketplace is simply irrelevant and cannot of itself evidence deceitful intent”45.

The result, as shown by Lemley and Moore [LEM 03], is that patent continuations are still largely used, especially in the United States. The results of their study show that 23% of all patents granted between 1976 and 2000 claim priority over one or more applications filed earlier. Toward the mid-1990s, the number of patent continuations issued even climbed to 31%. When we consider patent continuations, we observe that the USPTO granted patents on more the 85% of the requests that were filed in the period under consideration. These same patents represent more than 52% of contested patents (Lemley and Moore [LEM 03]).

Patent applicants have traditionally used the continuation system to prolong the lifespan of their patents, to avoid having to disclose their technology too early and to modify their claims in order to cover their competitors’ products. However, as emphasized by Meurer [MEU 03], allowing patentees to modify their claims to cover their competition’s products is an invitation to abuse the system. This also seems incompatible with the basic economic justification for the patent system, which is to encourage new inventions. According to Graham [GRA 02], the use of the continuation system is valuable for patentees precisely because it allows them to keep their invention secret while simultaneously benefitting from patent protection, which obviously represents a corruption of the patent system.

2.3.2. Reform attempts

In the United States, legislative attempts to control submarine patents have translated into a modification of the requirements for publication. From now on, patent requests must be published 18 months after they are filed46. Although the legislative changes in 1999 did substantially improve the problem of submarine patents for applications filed after 1995, they did not entirely eliminate the problem. These legislative provisions were considerably weakened by the American Congress before their enactment in 1999 because they only provide for the publication of requests that are also filed abroad47. In other words, the risks related to patent continuations persist.

The proposed legislation of the Patent Reform Act48 in 2005 to modify patent law and especially the adoption of the Leahy-Smith America Invents Act49, more commonly known as the “America Invents Act” (AIA) in 2011, contributed to more significant modifications to patent law in the United States. The most significant development of these new legislative provisions, which are part of the context of harmonizing IPR systems on a global scale and the struggle against the supposed abuses of “patent trolls”50, is unquestionably the entry into force in September 201351 of a “first-inventor-to-file”52 system to replace the “first-inventor-to-invent” system. With this new law, the United States aligned their legislation with what prevails in the rest of the world53, by attributing the right to a patent to the first to file. However, despite this harmonization, certain historical specificities as well as certain conflict risks remain, especially the central position of the inventor in American patent law. The new terminology refers to the “first-inventor-to-file” and not the “first-to-file” adopted everywhere else.

The reform in 2011 also replaced, starting in 2013, the previous “first to invent with grace period” system with the new “first inventor to file with grace period” system54. It also introduced the possibility of requesting a “prioritized examination”55 in the goal of avoiding the bottlenecks and backlogs of the USPTO56 and to complete the procedure in a 1-year period in exchange for paying a substantial tax57.

At the same time, the AIA also offers new possibilities for action regulated by the Patent Trial and Appeals Board (PTAB) to contest patents after they are granted58. The AIA introduced three new opposition procedures after the granting of patents, namely (1) an adversarial review where the parties can contest the validity of a patent before the patent office (IPR)59, (2) a “Post-Grant Review” or PGR60 inspired by the opposition procedure used in the European Patent Office (EPO) and (3) an examination that exclusively concerns financial products or services (the “Covered Business Method Review” or CBMR)61. These procedures complement the specific possibility in American law of introducing a re-examination request ex parte62. Unlike in Europe, the PTAB, the centralized organization that handles the post-grant reviews, is required to issue a decision in the 12 months following the filing of the initial request63. These new post-grant procedures must still be used with caution due to the rule of estoppel64 applied by American courts. In addition, it is useful to keep in mind that the impact of these new procedures on the disputes will be smoothed out over time because they are not retroactive.

Finally, still from a legislative perspective, the Obama administration developed a bill, the Innovation Act (IA)65, in 2013 in response to accusations that some litigation PAEs would impose a “tax” on innovation (Cooper [COO 14])66. The provisions of this law introduced transparency obligations for litigation PAEs and included a “loser-pays” mechanism (a sort of “shield Act”). This gave judges the power to impose the assumption of legal fees on the opposing party in cases of abuse of process67. In reality, these provisions are only a rewriting of the jurisprudence of the Supreme Court that radically reversed the opinion of the Federal Circuit concerning the circumstances in which the losing party in a dispute over patents can be required to pay the legal fees of the party that won68. In the cases Octane Fitness, LLC v. ICON Health & Fitness, Inc69 and Highmark v. Allcare Health70, the Supreme Court introduced “fee-shifting” and stipulated that in the context of lawsuits related to frivolous patents, the unsuccessful complainant is required to assume the legal fees of the opposing party (“loser pays”) in order to reduce the incentives for some litigation PAEs to engage in unfounded claims in the hopes of obtaining an out-of-court settlement71. Similarly, with the aim of reducing the incentive of litigation PAEs taking legal action, the Innovation Act limits the discovery procedure72 to the first steps of the process. There again, this provision is not trivial because the costs for discoveries are often substantial for the target firm, but much less for a litigation PAE who has no industrial activity. After several discussions and modifications, the text was finally adopted June 11, 2015 by the American Senate73. However, the adoption of this text will not fundamentally change the litigation landscape concerning patents, given that only 5% of cases in the United States go as far as a final judgment, with most disputes being settled amicably through out-of-court settlements.

Parallel to the legislative reforms intended to dissuade litigation PAEs from transforming taking legal action into a business model, the Supreme Court, through its action, contributed to making sure disputes are resolved at a cost that is proportional to their value. In its decision on Apple v. Samsung74 in 2016, the Supreme Court decided in favor of Samsung75 who challenged a law from 1887 that attributed to the complainant all of the profits realized from a product that infringed a patent76. In this case, the Supreme Court recognized the unreasonableness of basing the amount in damages on the total value of a smart phone containing hundreds of components when the patent violation only concerns a handful of them and when the incriminating patents only played a minor part in the consumers’ decision to purchase. Consequently, the Supreme Court decided that the amount in damages should be established based on the inventive contribution of the inventions, or in other words, based on the value of the elements that participated in the infringement. In other words, guilty but not infinitely liable. The Supreme Court sent the case back to the CAFC to decide on the exact amount of the damages. The major issue for the CAFC will be to determine if the term “article of manufacture”, on which the damages for violating a patent are calculated in the United States, must be interpreted as the final product in its entirety or simply as one component of a complex product.

At the same time, the Supreme Court, following the decisions in Halo and Stryker77 in 2016, granted more discretion to district courts in cases of willful infringement of a patent, so that they could triple the amount of damages due to the patent holder78. In reality, tripled damages for deliberate violations are almost never awarded by the courts. The rulings of the Supreme Court in Halo and Stryker explicitly lower the standard used for granting tripled damages when it is proven that the infringer voluntarily breached the holder’s patent. However, facilitating obtaining tripled damages could be counter-productive. First of all, it could allow litigation PAEs to obtain out-of-court settlements with even more advantageous financial conditions from potential infringers. It could also encourage forum shopping even more.

In response to criticism that litigation PAEs often use the threat of injunctions as leverage to obtain an out-of-court settlement in their favor, the US Supreme Court sought to reduce the asymmetry in terms of costs between the plaintiffs and the defendants. To do this, it reduced the circumstances in which patent holders could obtain injunctions in order to prevent a potentially infringing company from continuing to manufacture, use or commercialize supposedly infringing products. In 2006, in the ruling in eBay Inc. v. MercExchange79, the Supreme Court established that a permanent injunction should not be accorded solely on the basis of a violation of rights, or conversely, refused under the pretext that the plaintiff is not exploiting the patented invention80. The Supreme Court considers that a patent holder must satisfy a four-factor test to obtain an injunction, in line with the principle of fairness81. In particular, the patent holder must demonstrate (1) that an irreparable damage will be caused to the plaintiff if the injunction is not granted; (2) that existing legal remedies, such as monetary damages, are not sufficient to compensate for the injury suffered; (3) that the balance of hardship that the plaintiff and the defendant will suffer respectively favors granting the injunction; and (4) that the public interest will not be directly affected by a permanent injunction. This decision has the advantage of recalibrating the balance between traditional patent holders and litigation PAEs82. It can be likened to the legal obligation to exploit patents within 3 years of their issue, which exist in some jurisdictions, like France. Its effectiveness is relative, given that it should be noted that following this decision, the litigation PAEs turned to the US International Trade Commission (ITC)83 because the ITC is not bound by the factors in the eBay decision, which limits the use of injunctions that district courts can make. As highlighted by Chien and Lemley [CHI 12c], ITC injunctions can translate into a substantial social harm because the import ban on supposedly infringing goods is often disproportionate to the social benefit84.

Finally, one of the last elements of the reform to patent law recently consisted, for the Supreme Court, of facilitating patent challenges. Following the jurisprudence of MedImmune85, the Supreme Court made it easier to file declaratory judgment actions to challenge a patent. In this case, the preliminary question asked to the Court was to determine if a patent license holder preserves the right to challenge a patent or if the right “disappears” when a licensing contract is signed. In MedImmune v. Genentech, the Supreme Court reversed the reasoning of the Federal Circuit and ruled that a practicing entity holding a license agreement could file a declaratory judgment action. In other words, while continuing to pay fees and thereby avoiding a patent infringement claim, the practicing entity can challenge the validity of the patent that is the subject of the license before the courts.

These legislative developments, which unquestionably represent a shift in the American patent system, go hand in hand with a reflection on the question of patentable subject matter and in particular the admissibility of software and business methods under the protection of patents. The Supreme Court decisions are leading to a modification of what is patentable subject matter. This is occurring through the challenging, on the part of the Supreme Court, of certain decisions by the CAFC about the patentability of processes, abstract ideas and laws of nature86.

The first shift occurred in 2007 with the ruling in KSR87 by the Supreme Court, which modified the interpretation of the legal test to determine if an invention is non-obvious, or in other words, if the object of the patent request constitutes sufficient progress compared to existing technologies to justify issuing a patent. In American law, the criterion of non-obviousness is set out in 35 section 103a) of the United States Code (U.S.C)88. However, determining the obvious nature of an invention is one of the main sources of disputes in the domain of patents, in both the United States and Europe. In the ruling in Graham v. John Deere89 in 1966, the Supreme Court established the “Graham factors”90 to determine if an invention is obvious or not, and indicated the secondary considerations that could be considered in the non-obviousness test such as, non-exhaustively, the commercial success or failure of others. The CAFC prefers the TSM (Teaching, Suggestion, Motivation) test91, supposedly more precise in the case of inventions combining elements of pre-existing inventions. The Supreme Court, with the decision in KSR, redirected the TSM test because it was considered by several critics as making it too easy to prove the non-obviousness of a patent. For this reason, it was blamed for the granting of “poor quality” patents92. Cotropia [COT 07] and Mandel [MAN 07] show, however, that these criticisms were not supported by empirical proof. The new KSR test uses a subjective approach and focuses on the intellectual approach of a person skilled in the art93 vis-à-vis the problem. In doing so, the Supreme Court strengthened the requirement criterion of non-obviousness and made it stricter than the problem-solution approach used in Europe94. This strengthening of the standard for non-obviousness should lead to a lower rate of grants. However, at this stage, nothing makes it possible to confirm that this new test is a gage of quality because fewer patents does not necessarily equate to better quality. A statistical study conducted by Mojibi in 2010 attempted to analyze whether this ruling influenced the issuing of patents. Mojibi [MOJ 10] showed that between September 2007 and February 2009, there was a significant multiplication of the number of patents ruled invalid by the district courts and the CAFC on the basis of the criteria of novelty and non-obviousness before and after the Supreme Court’s certiorari in KSR95. More specifically, during this period, the District courts were seven times more likely to find patents obvious due to the change in the case law from KSR. The likelihood for the CAFC to find a patent obvious rose from 40 to 57%. However, this percentage dropped to levels almost identical to the pre-KSR period 2 years after the ruling, which indicates that the importance of this ruling should be put into perspective somewhat.

Another important change that recently occurred is illustrated by the effects of the ruling in Bilski96 in 2010 by the Supreme Court on the patentability of business methods. This ruling confirmed the tightening of examination conditions for business processes. The Supreme Court found the machine-or-transformation test created by the Federal Circuit in the State Street Bank case not to be the sole test for patentability97, while considering that this test, although not technically part of the law98, represented “a useful and important clue or investigative tool, it is not the sole test for deciding whether an invention is a patent-eligible “process” under section 101”99. In other words, although the Court rejected the machine-or-transformation test, it expressly left open the possibility for the CAFC to elaborate supplementary criteria for assessing abstract character in order to determine patentability, but these criteria must scrupulously respect the law and the case law set down by the Supreme Court. This means that the Supreme Court confirms an exclusion in principle of inventions (including business methods) representing an abstract idea limited to a particular technological environment. On the other hand, this decision does not provide any additional test for patentability to systematically fulfill for inventions implemented by computer. This means that most inventions implemented using software remain potentially patentable in the United States, because the law itself does not make a distinction between business methods and other processes.

In a series of subsequent decisions (Mayo Collaborative Services v. Prometheus Laboratories, Association for Molecular Pathology v. Myriad Genetics and Alice v. CLS Bank International)100, the Supreme Court considered that patents should not be granted under section 101 when two criteria are met. The first criterion is when subject matter that is not eligible to be patented (abstract ideas, laws of nature and natural phenomena) is targeted. The second criterion is when patents do not contain an inventive notion that sufficiently transforms the implementation of the supporting idea, so as to limit the claim to something obviously different from the ineligible object for which it was intended. In this way, the Supreme Court casts significant doubt over the validity of several commercial, software, genetic and medical processes. In these decisions, the Supreme Court clearly states that the CAFC deviated from the case law and constructed a set of rules that are too favorable to patent holders101. In the Mayo v. Prometheus102 decision in 2012, the Supreme Court ruled that a method to improve the treatment of a patient afflicted by an immune disorder did not constitute anything more than the observation of the laws of nature, combined with routine steps and because of this, the diagnostic method in question was not patentable under 35 USC section 101103. Following this decision, the Supreme Court asked the CAFC to reconsider the Myriad case. In August 2012, three CAFC judges confirmed the decision they had taken 1 year earlier, namely that isolated DNA is patentable (under 35 USC section 101), on the grounds that these molecules are not found as such in nature, that they are the result of human intervention and that they have a specific chemical identity and structure. However, on June 13, 2013, the Supreme Court unanimously arrived at the exact opposite conclusion and decided that the isolated nucleic acid sequences were products of nature and consequently, not patentable. In its Alice ruling in 2014, the Supreme Court clarified the test, initially stated in Mayo Collaborative Services. v. Prometheus Labs., Inc., to evaluate the eligibility for patentability of a claim based on section 101. It ruled that the implementation by computer of an abstract idea, which is not itself eligible for a patent, does not transform this idea into a patentable object. According to the Supreme Court, to be eligible, what is claimed must go beyond the abstract idea, which is to say that the claimed characteristics of the invention must produce a “supplementary” technical effect that goes beyond the conventional function of a computer. Such an effect could, for example, reside in an improvement to the workings of the computer itself. In this sense, the American approach seems to be quite similar to the European approach on the subject. Should we, however, consider that this is the beginning of the end for American patents on business methods implemented by software? Nothing could be less certain. Indeed, the Alice decision and its two-step test104 created uncertainty about the future of software patents, especially because the Court declared that “the introduction of a computer into the claims does not alter the analysis in step two”. This uncertainty is accentuated by the fact that, in its decision, the Supreme Court used vague language to strike down the software patents in question and did not provide a clear test to determine the validity of patents. This generated additional confusion for the lower courts and the parties involved (DeJulio [DEJ 10]). Indeed, neither the Federal Circuit, nor the Supreme Court have defined the terms “abstract idea” or “significantly more.” As such, these two terms refer to an undefined standard (“we will know it when we see it”). Although in the Amdocs105 decision, the majority noted that the two steps from Alice often overlap, it explicitly refused to articulate a single and universal definition of the notion of an “abstract idea”, citing the difficulty in defining an “as-yet-unknown case with as-yet-unknown inventions”. In addition, the Supreme Court questioned the decisions of the Federal Circuit without considering the question of knowing if these limitations could actually foster progress or not, even though up to the present time, US patent law had a reputation for being much more liberal than foreign laws concerning this category of inventions.

Following this decision, in June 2014 the USPTO issued a Guidance Memorandum for the attention of American patent examiners who are henceforth instructed to reject any invention (machine, substance, or process) concerning or consisting of a law of nature, a natural phenomenon and/or a natural product106. According to the USPTO, “Alice Corp. neither creates a per se excluded category of subject matter, such as software or business methods, nor imposes any special requirements for eligibility of software or business methods.” Similarly, in recent decisions subsequent to Alice, like DDR Holdings v. Hotels.com107, Enfish v. Microsoft108, Bascom109, the CAFC, while applying the analytic framework set out in Alice, confirmed the validity of patent claims on a business method. This indicates that this type of patent is not “dead” per se.

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Figure 2.9. Evolution of patent requests from the USPTO and the success rate for class 705 (Source: Patstat© data extracted and treated by the authors (2017)). For a color version of this figure, see www.iste.co.uk/baudry/patents.zip

A contrario, in other decisions (Ultramercial v. Hulu110 and TLI Communications v. Automative111), the CAFC invalidated patents covering inventions implemented by computer, ruling that they represented abstract, non-patentable ideas. Recently, in 2015, the CAFC made a decision that did not rely on the test set out in Alice, but that could have a significant impact on software patents. In the Allvoice112 case, the Federal Circuit ruled that if a patent claim does not target an invention that corresponds to one of the four categories listed (that is, a process, a machine, a manufacture or a composition of matter), it is invalid. From a legal perspective, section 101 is not limited to these four categories. The law text even says, “process, machine, manufacture or composition of matter, or any new and useful improvement thereof”113. This does not mean that an improvement to a machine must yield a machine, for example.

At this stage, the decisions rendered are somewhat ambiguous, especially concerning the scope and standard to follow to define an “abstract idea”. It is therefore difficult to determine their full effects. However, they did lead the USPTO to re-examine the notice of allowances of certain patents, especially patents concerning business methods. Figure 2.9 shows the number of patents granted by the USPTO in class 705 (business methods) and the success rate of these patent requests. Interestingly, we note a decrease in patent requests in 2000. This decrease can be partly explained by the introduction in March 2000 until the end of 2009 of a specific quality control measure in this class in order to counteract the bad press of these patents. This exam qualified by a “second pair of eyes” reflected the influx of patent requests in the class 705114. It translated into a double exam and the requirement that two examiners agree about granting a patent in order to issue one (Allison and Hunter [ALL 06]). This requirement translated into a decrease in the success rate in class 705 (to about 20%). A study by Lemley and Sampat [LEM 08b] showed that the class 705 had the lowest success rate out of the high-volume classes. One possible explanation is that the low success rate reflects a more rigorous examination process. This decrease could also be explained by anticipated refusals related to discussions about the possibility of enacting a Business Method Patent Improvement Act (HR 5364). As this Act had not yet been passed by the US Congress, patent requests on business methods surged until 2007, the date of the KSR ruling by the Supreme Court, which modified the interpretation of the legal test for non-obviousness. Finally, the decisions in Mayo and Alice in 2014 and the Memorandum by the USPTO in 2014 seem to have had an undeniable impact on the success rate of patent requests in class 705, which have fallen sharply since then.

Figure 2.10 shows the total number of patents granted per month for the patent requests examined by work group 3690 (“Finance art unit”)115 from January 2014 to March 2016. The impact of the Alice116 ruling on the number of patents issued is undeniable. From a technical perspective, this decrease can be explained, in part, by the fact that a certain number of notices of allowance (before the Alice decision) underwent a new exam under section 35 U.S.C. 101 and were either cancelled or delayed for several months. A study of Sachs in 2007117 summarizes the result of the decisions made by the district courts under section 101. An assessment over the period of 32 months before and after Alice (until February 2017) shows that before Alice, there were only 37 decisions by district courts based on section 35 U.S.C. 101 and 359 after, or nearly ten times as many. The rate of invalidity also jumped, rising from 43.2% pre-Alice to 61.8% in February 2017. However, this study shows that it was software patents and not business methods patents that were the target of changes post-Alice; communications patents now occupy the second most targeted group. Outside of business methods, only two technological fields have post-Alice rejection rates that are greater than 30%, namely entertainment and educational devices (technology center 3700) and molecular biology/bio-information/genetics (technology center 1600). These applications have wavered regarding the eligibility of patents on mental steps and methods of organizing human activity118.

Parallel to the legislative reforms, academic publications, especially by Bessen and Love [BES 13], have also sought to recalibrate the patent system by putting an end to patent trolls. Based on econometric analyses that make it possible to infer the value of patents based on renewal decisions, Bessen and Love [BES 13] propose implementing a “polluter pays” system and requiring patent holders to pay an amount that reflects the negative externalities that they impose on a company119. The authors believe that this mechanism, more commonly known as the Pigouvian tax, is likely to cause people who hold trivial patents not to renew them.

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Figure 2.10. Evolution of patents grants for Work Group 3690 (finance) from the USPTO following the Alice decision of the United States Supreme Court on June 19, 2014 (Source: Patstat© data extracted and treated by the authors (2017))

Although these reforms are welcome, it is important to keep in mind that only 1.5% of all patents are the subject of a dispute before the courts (Allison et al. [ALL 09]). Out of the roughly 3,000 infringement actions filed each year in the United States, most are settled out of court. Only about 650 disputes receive a decision by a district court and the vast majority of rulings result in a summary judgment rather than a trial (Janicke and Ren [JAN 06])120. In other words, the impact of these reforms risks being very limited. As is often emphasized by some critics, “the primary objective of reform should be to reduce the uncertainty that now pervades many aspects of the patent system” (Jaffe and Lerner [JAF 04, p. 171]). However, these recent regulatory developments have led certain commentators, like Epstein [EPS 14] and Mossoff [MOS 13] to consider that the reform of patent law in the United States has translated into an excessive reaction. Similarly, Quinn and Morinville [QUI 15] complain that patent reforms aimed at trolls are destroying the patent system. In reality, there are several fluctuations between the eras of strong and weak patent protection. We can consider that the tightening of protection during the 1980s and then at the start of the 2000s was a reaction to the perception that patent law in the 1960s and 1970s was weak. This period in turn follows a period of strong protection in the 1930s and 1940s (Merges [MER 00]). It suggests the existence of cycles of over- and under-protection.

2.4. Regulatory developments in Europe

Like in the United States, Europe has also been subject to notable changes in matters of intellectual property. However, the evolutions have been less marked because traditionally the patentability criteria of the European Patent Office (EPO)121 have always been considered to be more stringent than those of the USPTO and the patents granted are considered of higher quality (Useche [USE 14]).

Like the United States, Europe has extended the field of patentability to new categories of invention, although the European Patent Convention (EPC) has, since its origins, excluded some categories of innovation from patentability. Article 52b of the Munich Convention states that scientific theories, aesthetic creations, business methods and software are not patentable “as such”. Article 53 excludes plant or animal varieties. This “negative” definition of what is patentable has been integrated for decades by applicants in their approach to the protection of such inventions122. It is opposed to the “positive” definition included in the American Constitution that protects the “useful arts”. The latter would have been too narrow a framework to cover all of the inventions in the United States, while the general negative definition in Europe leaves a priori open spaces for new modes of creation. Yet, the inverse happened, for two reasons. The first reason is the strict application of the European Patent Convention by both the EPO and the courts. The second reason is, a contrario, a more flexible and pragmatic jurisprudence in the United States, making it possible to evolve beyond the decisions made on technologies in the past in order to include new and unforeseen inventions (“Everything made by man under the sun is patentable”)123. Aside from the fact that there have not been any changes regarding the criteria of inventiveness, the use of the “industrial application” criterion in Europe as opposed to the “utility” criterion in the United States124 is supposed to have led to diverging results in terms of issuing patents on inventions, in particular in the sectors of biotechnology and information and communication technologies (ICTs).

Despite their legal prescription125, the EPO, like the USPTO, grants software patents, but to a lesser extent than in the United States. These software patents are essentially related to ‘embedded’ software (in washing machines or in smartphones for instance), which means part of a system, as opposed to application or infrastructure software126. Despite the ruling in Bilski127, the USPTO is still more flexible than the EPO about granting patents concerning software inventions. This is due to the fact that the American approach does not use the notion of “technicity” employed by the EPO, but other concepts such as the physical transformation of an element or the use of a machine128. Concerning patents on living organisms, a declaration in 1998129 aligned European law with American law130, but protected the human body.

Finally, like the United States, the extension of intellectual property to new categories of invention occurred through the creation of specific, sui generis rights. The underlying logic is that the inventions in question must be protected but that the existing rights (patent or copyright) are not suited to do so. So, in 1984, this translated into the creation of a sui generis right for semiconductors in the United States and a sui generis right for databases in Europe in 1986131. The latter aims to complete the protection, deemed insufficient, confered by the copyright to database producers, whether these databases have an inherently innovative character or not (“non-original” databases). However, as indicated by a report by the German Ministry of Finance132. although the European patent system has not known the “extreme dysfunction” of the American patent system, this does not mean that it is not subject to “strong tensions” concerning the quality of patents granted (European Parliament [EUR 07], if only due to the heavier work load connected to the strong increase in patent applications133.

2.4.1. The unitary patent and the unified court: the final stage of a European patent system?

Since November 1977, the European Patent Office (EPO) has offered inventors a centralized patent application system, allowing them of obtaining patent protection in the 38 member countries134 of the European Patent Convention (EPC).135 The distinctive feature of the Convention is that it is not a unitary title valid in all of the signing countries. It is actually a group of independent national patents. In practice, a single patent request in a single language can benefit from protection in all of the contracting countries, provided that these are designated. If all of the contracting countries are not designated, then the geographic breadth of the patent is not maximized.

The fragmentation of the European patent system is regularly pointed out as one of the weaknesses of the innovation system in Europe (Van Pottelsberghe and Mejer [VAN 10b]). In addition to the considerable costs of obtaining a patent in European territory, compared to other geographic zones with the same economic level136, the absence of a “one-stop-shop” increases legal uncertainty and complicates the management of patent portfolios. Currently, the courts and national administrations of the signatory states of the EPC are only qualified to rule on the infringement and validity of European patents. In practice, this situation causes a certain number of problems (the multiplication of the costs of disputes, risk of diverging judgments, legal uncertainty)137 when a patent holder wishes to ensure compliance with a European patent or when a third party requests the revocation of a European patent in several countries. The differing interpretations of European patent law mean that a single patent can be ruled on differently depending on the member state. These diverging solutions are sources of legal uncertainty and insecurity. They also give rise to forum shopping; parties seeking to capitalize on differences in patent interpretations by national courts, processing times (that vary depending on if the courts are “slow” or “fast”) and the amount of damages awarded.

This situation represents an obstacle for the creation of a European innovation market and penalizes European companies compared to their competitors, especially American or Asian, who can more easily, and for a lesser cost, access their large national markets before commercializing their inventions on a global scale (Harhoff [HAR 09]). Medium-sized companies are, in this regard, often considered to suffer the most from this situation due to their lack of financial means and specialized legal abilities that would allow them to manage disputes in multiple courts simultaneously.

In one form or another, the idea of a community patent has been the object of debate for more than four decades. Considerable progress was recently made, however, with the adoption, in the context of an enhanced cooperation process, of the “European Union patent package”138. This package aims to introduce a single patent valid throughout the European Union as well as a Unified Patent Court (UPC) to rule on disputes over European patents. Although some are hailing it as a means to make the patent system more accessible, more cost-efficient and more legally sound by conferring uniform protection to patents in all participating member states, it remains to be seen what choices companies will make given that the unitary patent will coexist with the European unitary patent.

The European unitary patent consists of a “package” that includes three legal mechanisms: (1) the implementation of a unitary patent, valid in 26 EU member countries, with the exception of Spain and Croatia139; (2) the adoption of a linguistic regime concerning this patent; and (3) the adoption of an agreement concerning a Unified Patent Court to make decisions about disputes concerning the new patent. The first two mechanisms were implemented through the EU enhanced cooperation procedure and adopted by the European Parliament on December 11, 2012. The third, the Unified Court agreement, is an international agreement currently in the process of being ratified by the participating countries.

The entry into effect of the new patent system was reported sine die following the activation of Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty by the United Kingdom but it should, ultimately, allow companies to obtain a single patent, valid in 26 EU member countries. The unitary patent is a European patent with a unitary effect. This means that like the European patent, a request for a European unitary patent will be carried out by the European Patent Office (EPO) but that in a period of 1 month after the granting of the European patent, its holder will have the opportunity to choose between a European patent or a European unitary patent designating all states participating in the enhanced cooperation, with the exception of Spain and Croatia, on the condition that the patent claims be the same for all of the designated contracting member states. This new patent system does not replace the old one, but is added to it. It introduces a fourth way to file, in addition to the national option, the international (PCT) option and the classic European option. Companies who, for one reason or another, do not wish to file a unitary patent can also use the European option and, after the examination procedure, designate the European countries in which they wish to be protected. The unitary patent will therefore coexist with national patents and classic European patents.

Compared to the existing situation, the change is significant. The European patent, as it exists now, is a bundle of national patents that inventors can obtain, with a single application, in 38 separate EPC member countries. In the absence of a real community patent, a company has no other choice but to manage a patent in each country with all of the additional costs and inconsistencies that this creates. A single patent can lead to a trial in several countries, but the rulings are only valid in the national court where the verdict is decided140. Companies can therefore be compelled to multiply their legal proceedings. With a unitary patent, an innovative company only needs to manage a single patent for (almost) all of Europe and, potentially, only a single litigation. In addition, the problem of multiple translations is simplified because the patent must only be written in one of the three official languages of the EPO (German, English, and French). In case of litigation, the company accused of infringement (or the court) can request that the patent holder translate the patent into their national language.

In legal matters, the member states responded to the above-mentioned problems by creating a Unified Patent Court141. This Court has also jurisdiction in matters of complementary protection certificates, which are granted to inventions in fields where the approval time for a technology can be particularly long. It does not have jurisdiction in national patents or national models of utility142. More than a court, in reality, the Unified Patent Court is a legal system because it includes a court of first instance, an appeal court and a common courts administrative service with local administrative committees143. The court of first instance is decentralized in the sense that the seat of the central division was established in Paris, where cases concerning transportation (IPC classification B), textiles (IPC classification D144, fixed constructions (IPC classification E), physics (IPC classification G) and electricity (IPC classification H) are heard, and the court is divided between two other places depending on the type of case145. The first is London146, for cases pertaining to human necessities (IPC classification A), chemistry, including pharmaceutical products (IPC classification C) and metallurgy (IPC classification C). The second location is Munich, for cases concerning mechanical engineering, lighting, heating, weapons and blasting (IPC classification F). Aside from the court of first instance, the Unified Court will include a Court of Appeal with its seat in Luxemburg. This court will rule in the last instance because the Agreement on the UPC does not provide for any recourse against its decisions147. The budget of the Unified Court will be financed by revenue proper to the Court. This revenue will be generated by the payment of processing fees and other revenues148.

The decisions of the Unified Patent Court will be effective over all territories of the contracting member states (all member states of the European Union, with the exception of Croatia, Spain and Poland149). By offering patent holders a single legal decision that will apply to the territories of all member states, the Unified Court should provide a single legal interpretation and substantial savings, but also translate into an increase in damages. In fact, in cases of infringement, the so-called “total infringing sales” will be determined based on the commercialization of the disputed products in all member state territories.

The Unified Court will only hear disputes about the new European unitary patent and, eventually, all disputes about the European classic patent. It will have an exclusive jurisdiction over actions about patent infringement and complementary protection certificates, counterclaims for nullity, nullity actions, actions seeking provisional measures, protection measures or injunctions, and finally, actions concerning decisions made by the EPO about unitary patents. Patent infringement actions can be heard in front of the local or regional division located in the country where the infringement act was committed or in the one where the defendant lives or mainly conducts its activity. In the absence of a local or regional division in the country concerned, the central division can be used. Counterclaims for nullity must be brought before the same division that heard the original action, but the parties have the option to agree to opt for another division, including the central division. It is also possible to send the case, in whole or in part, from the local or regional division to the central division. Provisions have been made for the implementation of a “bifurcation” process, or in other words, the separation of infringement claims and nullity claims that will be heard by different courts. For instance, an infringement claim could be brought before a local or regional division while the counterclaim for nullity might be heard at a later date by the central division. In addition, patent holders will have the ability to waive the exclusive jurisdiction of the Unified Court and bring a claim about a European patent before the national courts during an (extendable) transition period of 7 years, unless the patentee files an exception, or “opting-out” request150 (Article 83 of the Agreement), according to which the European patent granted remains subject to the national courts of each country designated. This choice is counter-balanced by the advantages of the new unified court that can make a single simultaneous decision about the infringement and damages for all of the countries.

2.4.2. The supposed economic advantages of the unitary system

The argument that is most often invoked in favor of the unitary patent is that it will make it possible to reduce the costs of obtaining a patent. This is an important argument because today, due to current fragmentation of the system, the costs of obtaining a patent is much higher in Europe than it is in other main economic zones. Van Pottelsberghe [VAN 10a, VAN 10b] showed that a European patent granted by the EPO guaranteeing protection in 26 EU member states151 can cost up to €32,119, including €4,045 in processing fees152, €7,929 in validation fees153 and nearly €20,145 in translation fees154. On the other hand, the costs of obtaining a patent in the United States, as well as Japan, South Korea and China are much more appealing to innovators because they cost less than €5,000. Most of the difference, at the present time, can be explained by the multiplication of filing and maintenance fees as well as the translation fees. With the unitary patent, the cost of obtaining a patent should greatly decrease, down to an estimated €4,725, which should ensure a fair level playing field. On the other hand, no procedural fee reduction is planned for small companies. In practice, it is the large and primarily foreign applicants, who validate in a wide range of countries, who will benefit from this change. For a constant or even reduced budget, their patents will be protected in all member countries and a single legal claim will allow them to forbid exploitation in all countries. For SMEs, the expected effect is ambivalent because traditionally, they only validate their patent requests in a smaller number of countries, although the reduction of costs could now encourage them.

The amount of renewal taxes is also a determining factor for the success of a unitary patent. Too high, they can discourage the interest of applicants, such as SMEs. For larger companies, on the other hand, who often validate European patents in a large number of states, the unitary patent makes it possible to save on renewal fees. Given the double bind of the self-financing of patent offices and the necessity of having affordable access to industrial property for small companies, the amount of taxes to remain in effect has been set in relation to the size of the market of the European Union and is equivalent to what it costs today for the average geographic coverage of European patents155. Up until the tax due for the fifth year after the filing, the fees correspond to taxes currently due to the EPO for European requests. Concerning the taxes due for the tenth year and beyond, the EPO proposes an amount equivalent to what is currently paid at the four most commonly chosen offices. This means that a patent holder who only wishes to validate its European patent for a small number of participating member states may not have much interest in adopting the unitary patent formula. Another beneficial aspect of this reform is that up until now, a company could be forced to handle several disputes in several countries at once, which led to the multiplication of legal costs. One of the crucial points of interest for the Unified Patent Court Agreement is to eliminate the duplication of litigation in member countries and therefore to significantly reduce legal costs for companies. A study by Harhoff [HAR 09] estimated that between 146 and 311 litigations were duplicated every year in European countries. Their elimination would make it possible to save between 148 and 289 million euros for the companies in question156. Aside from costs, the implementation of a Unified Patent Court is supposed to reduce economic uncertainty and increase the consistency of the system. Today, the duplication of litigations is a major source of uncertainty for companies operating in Europe. Mejer and van Pottelsberghe de la Potterie [MEJ 12] illustrated, through many concrete examples, the inconsistencies created by the fragmented European patent system as it exists today. Among the many cases157, the dispute between Improver and Remington is particularly indicative of the shortcomings of the current system. Improver, the inventor of the “Epilady” epilator bearing its name, obtained a patent for protection in most European countries. In 1988, Remington introduced onto the market an epilator that had the same functions as the Epilady, with some significant differences. Improver and Remington launched a legal battle in several European countries, with Improver accusing Remington of infringing its patent. The verdicts rendered in different countries differed greatly. In Austria158, France159 and the United Kingdom160, Remington won its case, while in Belgium161, Germany162, Italy163 and the Netherlands164, Improver won the litigation. This case, along with others165, illustrates the problems of legal consistency that never fail to arise with the multiplication of national titles. The main point here is that a large part of these inconsistencies will disappear with a unified patent and a unified Court166. In return, this will make it possible to offer an environment that is more favorable to innovative companies, especially small ones. At the same time, some questions remain up in the air and it is not certain that the unitary patent will benefit all companies in all countries the same way.

2.4.3. From intention to reality

Will the European Union’s legal patent package meet expectations? As noted above, the intention of the European Union patent package is to make the patent system simpler, more cost-effective and more consistent legally, by offering uniform protection to all participating member states. It remains to be seen if it will really fulfill its promises.

The first topic of concern is the heterogeneous nature of the system with an “additional layer” of protection167. The granting of a unitary patent will not eliminate the obligation to proceed with national validations for contracting states of the EPC or extended states not covered by the EPC. Although the European unitary patent system will make it possible to address a certain number of these problems, its implementation does not have unanimous support because, as it stands, the protection offered does not cover all of the member countries. From a legal standpoint, the European unitary patent raises many questions, with experts not hesitating to call it complex, unbalanced and legally fragile “(Hilty et al. [HIL 12])”. A true unitary patent should be subject to uniform law across the European Union, which was what was initially envisioned. The unitary patent, as adopted, does not have a dedicated uniform law and constitutes a compromise. So, if there is to be litigation, a court has been provided, but what law should it apply? That of the country of the claimant, at the risk of seeing the development of forum shopping for courts that are more favorable to complainants, or that of the Munich Convention of 1973, which is independent from community law? The risk of forum shopping is even greater if an infringement action, for example, can be brought before the local or regional division located in the country where the alleged act of infringement was committed or in the country where the defendant lives or mainly operates their business. Similarly, which court will be preferred in case of a dispute that covers several industrial sectors? For the time being, the texts proposed do not answer this question.

Second, some commentators are concerned about the question of bifurcation, which allows infringement and nullity actions to be heard in different courts. They are specifically concerned about the fact that one of these courts could render an order forbidding the importation and sale of a product protected by a patent that might eventually be declared null, a possibility that litigation PAEs who acquire patents to oppose to third parties could be quick to exploit. The potential windfall effect could be accentuated by the bifurcation measures because, aside from the fact that these practices pave the way for complications concerning the language of proceedings, the possibility of pronouncing an order against an alleged infringer, before even the validity of the patent in question has been examined, is a powerful weapon for these companies. This might attract more litigation PAEs to the European territory. Although already present, the stakes remain uncertain for them at the present time, due to the fragmentation of the European market and the modest amount of damages awarded in Europe168. The concern of seeing litigation PAEs develop is sufficiently strong that a certain number of patent holders are choosing to waive the exclusive jurisdiction of the unified court, especially when it concerns high-value patents, in order to avoid the risk represented by a declaration of nullity whose effects extend simultaneously to all participating member states.

Third, there are also concerns about the costs and the quality of decisions that will be rendered by the court. The costs related to the new system, in particular in the defense of patents before the Unified Court, are a substantial concern, especially for SMEs. It is likely that once the system enters into effect, the costs (for launching and defending claims) of infringement actions will be much greater than the cost of bringing an action before national courts. Another concern addressed is the quality of decisions made by the unified court. Consequently, the first judgments will be key for calming these concerns. The fact that the unitary patent can be revoked in a single procedure for all participating member states could lessen its appeal, in particular concerning high-value patents, for which owners might prefer to file a classic European patent and waive the exclusive jurisdiction of a unified court.

Finally, who will use the system? Ignoring, for the time being, how the new system will be received, it is likely that when choosing between a unitary patent and maintaining the old method of national validations, many patent holders will only consider the amount that they will have to spend to have the patent issued and they will not be concerned with the costs of future litigation. Relaxing the requirements for the translation of issued patents will consequently be perceived as an advantageous feature of the new system. However, from an economic perspective, some questions remain. Will the costs be reduced or simply displaced? Kupzok and Pénin [KUP 13] postulate that in practice, the translation costs for patents will not necessarily be reduced, but could simply be displaced onto other actors in the economy. The analysis of patent databases remains essential for innovative companies who need to research the freedom to exploit their innovations. Having patents written in a foreign language complicates the ability of companies to carry out research about the freedom to exploit. It is therefore possible, even probable, that companies will decide to have the patents translated themselves (or a part of them) to facilitate their understanding of the patented inventions. In the end, the unitary patent will contribute not to reducing translation costs, but to displacing them and possibly even multiplying them (because many companies may translate the same patent at the same time).

In summary, although it is true that the legal patent package seems to have been well received after more than 40 years of delays, doubts remain about when it will come into effect and its potential implications. At its core, the idea was simple: to make it possible to file a patent that would be valid throughout the entire EU. Upon arrival, the selected system seems anything but simple. The road to hell is paved with good intentions and the EPO is supposed to manage the European patent system and the unitary patent system at the same time. The unitary patent will therefore be in a gray area that is difficult to appreciate or to justify regarding community law169. In the end, some questions remain unresolved: will the unitary patent benefit innovation, and by extension, the economy of the European Union? Or will it be hindered by its own restrictions, heaviness, ambiguities, and risks of seeing litigation PAEs proliferate? Or should we consider it to be simply a “promotional offer”?

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