Des Butler Queensland University of Technology (QUT), Brisbane, QLD, Australia
Cyberbullying, like traditional forms of bullying, is widely regarded as involving a repeated exploitation of a real or perceived power imbalance with an intention to cause harm. Faced with that imbalance of power, some targets may seek the assistance of others, such as schools and the law, to redress that imbalance.
The law can be powerful driver for behavior when it is understood that acting or failing to act in a certain way may result in a liability to pay monetary compensation. This chapter examines the expectations that the law places on school authorities when it comes to responding to cyberbullying in three countries (Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States) and the parameters that may thereby be set for school interventions. The responses of the law in these countries are not uniform, and while some guidance may be drawn in some, the position is less clear elsewhere.
Cyberbullying; Law; Schools; Negligence; Duty of care; Free speech; Australia; United Kingdom; United States
In May 2011, 14-year-old Alex Boston's arrival at her school was accompanied by nasty looks and harsh words from her fellow students. She later discovered that a phony Facebook page had been created by two of her classmates using her name and information, and which featured a profile picture that had been altered to make her face appear bloated. The page also ascribed a range of obnoxious behavior to her, including the suggestion that she smoked marijuana, spoke a pseudo language called “Retardish,” had left obscene comments on friends' pages, made frequent sexual references, and posted a racist video. When Alex and her parents complained to school officials and police, they were told that there was nothing that could be done because the website had been created off the school campus. Further, repeated requests to Facebook to have the site taken down went unanswered (Bluestein & Turner, 2012).
Experiences like Alex Burton's are becoming increasingly common among young people. Technology has become an essential companion of modern living. For example, recent research in Australia showed that 95% of the 8- to 11-year-olds and 100% of 16- to 17-year-olds accessed the internet, while 67% of 12- to 13-year-olds, 87% of 14- to 15-year-olds and 94% of 16- to 17-year-olds owned their own smartphone (A.C.M.A., 2012). Such technology is a double-edged sword: while it may be a conduit of good it may also present ready means for aggressive behavior amounting to cyberbullying. Studies of cyberbullying have identified varying rates of incidence of this behavior. For example, a 2006 study across countries including the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, and Australia found that almost 30% of respondents had been victims of cyberbullying, which was defined as being ignored, disrespected, threatening, picked on, or made fun of, or having had rumors spread by others (Patchin & Hinduja, 2006), while a 2014 study estimated the prevalence of cyberbullying among Australian children aged 8–17 to be in the vicinity of 20%, or around 463,000 children (Katz et al., 2014). The same report noted that part of the difficulty associated with determining prevalence is differing definitions of cyber bullying and “other assumptions made when extrapolating from survey samples” (Katz et al., 2014, p. 2).
While researchers may differ in their precise definitions of cyberbullying, they generally agree that it shares certain attributes with traditional forms of bullying, namely a repeated exploitation of a real or perceived power imbalance with an intention to cause harm (Patchin & Hinduja, 2006). However, important differences remain. For example, whereas traditional bullying may be restricted to face-to-face encounters, such as in the schoolyard or on the way to or from school, cyberbullying has the capacity to reach the target 24 h a day, 7 days a week: even the target's home is no longer a safe haven from the behavior. Further, while traditional bullying may inflict physical and/or psychological harm, cyberbullying tends only to result in psychological harm, although in some cases this may lead to physical consequences including suicide (see, e.g., Meredith, 2010).
Faced with an imbalance of power, some targets may seek the assistance of others to redress that imbalance. To that end some, like Alex Boston, may seek the help of not only school authorities but also the law, although as noted, in her case she received no satisfaction from either due to the prevailing situation in her jurisdiction, the American State of Georgia. It is worthwhile, therefore, to examine the current attitude of the law to cyberbullying, and in particular the expectations (if any) that the law places on school authorities when it comes to responding to cyberbullying and the parameters that may thereby be set for school interventions. The law can be a powerful driver for behavior when it is understood that acting or failing to act in a certain way may result in liability to pay monetary compensation (Keeton, 1984, p. 25).
For the purposes of this examination, the position in three countries will be compared: Australia and the United Kingdom (where the law is similar), and the United States. While all three follow a “common law” system of jurisprudence, comprising case precedents and statutes created by elected legislatures, distinct differences exist, which have significant implications for targets of cyberbullying. In the United Kingdom, the highest court in the country (the House of Lords, now known as the Supreme Court) determines the common law, and the Parliament in Westminster enacts legislation, which applies throughout the country. In Australia, the highest court (the High Court of Australia) determines the common law that applies throughout the country while under the Federal system the Commonwealth Parliament and State/Territory Parliaments enact laws within their respective constitutional jurisdictions, which have differences in some respects but which are for the most part consistent. By comparison, in the United States, the highest court (the Supreme Court of the United States) only determines federal laws and constitutional rulings that apply throughout the country, with the Supreme Courts (or equivalents) in each of the 50 States determining the common law for their respective States, and States' legislatures enacting legislation that can often differ substantially in their terms.
There are no statutes in Australia or the United Kingdom that specifically prohibit cyberbullying and only one statute in New South Wales, the Crimes Act 1900, that outlaws bullying. However, this law is limited to someone who “assaults, stalks, harasses or intimidates” any school staff or student while attending the school. None of these terms is specifically defined, but by their natural meaning they might capture cyberbullying. Significantly, however, that statute only applies if the target was on, entering or leaving school premises for the purpose of school work or for before or after school care. Otherwise cyberbullying may constitute an offence under laws of more general application such as, in Australia, the Commonwealth Criminal Code Act 1995 section 474.17 (misuse of telecommunication services) or State stalking laws (Kift, Campbell, & Butler, 2010; Langos, 2014) and, in the United Kingdom, the Malicious Communications Act of 1998 section 1 and Communications Act of 2003 section 127 (both of which deal with improper use of electronic communications) and the Protection From Harassment Act of 1997 (which covers stalking and harassment). None of these laws, however, allow for the target of cyberbullying to recover monetary compensation or any other remedy for the behavior.
The target of cyberbullying may choose to commence legal action against the perpetrator of the behavior based on one or more causes of action, such as defamation, breach of confidence, assault, intentional infliction of harm in the form of psychiatric damage (if such should be caused), or (in the United Kingdom only) invasion of privacy (Butler, Kift, & Campbell, 2010). However, such actions have one overriding disadvantage: if the perpetrator is another child, he or she may have no financial resources to pay any compensation so that any judgment in favor of the target may be a pyrrhic victory. Moreover, in Australia and the United Kingdom, parents cannot be held liable for the wrongful acts of their children unless they in some way participated in, directed, or ratified the wrongdoing or provided the occasion for the wrongdoing (McHale v. Watson, 1964, p. 386–387). It would be difficult to argue that, for example, merely providing a child with a computer or smartphone amounted to “providing the occasion” for cyberbullying (Butler et al., 2010).
Instead a target may choose to seek to ascribe legal responsibility to the relevant school authority for failure to prevent the cyberbullying (Butler et al., 2010). That school authority may be the government (in case of public schools) or the company, trust, church diocese, or other entity running the school (in the case of private schools), and liability might be based on breach of its own common law duty or its “vicarious” liability as employer of a teacher who has breached his or her own common law duty of care. In other words, the question will depend upon whether the alleged failing was at an institution level or by an individual(s). In the case of private schools, it might alternatively be based on a breach of the contract entered into with the school, depending on the exact terms of the contract. To succeed based on the common law, it is necessary to show (a) a duty of care toward the target (b) breach of that duty and (c) damage that was caused by that breach of duty. There has yet to be a case involving a claim against the school for preventing cyberbullying in either country, but there have been cases involving traditional bullying, which are nonetheless instructive. From the outset, it is worth bearing one point in mind: as an English judge remarked “there is no magic in the term bullying” (Bradford-Smart v. West Sussex County Council, 2002). In other words, the focus is on the objectionable behavior rather than any definition. One consequence is that in Australia and the United Kingdom in some circumstances failure to prevent a one-off act of aggression may be regarded as constituting a breach of duty, even though for researchers it may not be regarded as constituting cyberbullying due to the lack of repetition. It is also worth noting that neither country has specific legislation that imposes obligations on schools in relation to bullying or cyberbullying.
Both Australia and the United Kingdom recognize that certain relationships give rise to so-called nondelegable duties of care. The relationship of school authority/teacher and pupil is one such relationship (Commonwealth v. Introvigne, 1982). This means that while responsibility for taking precautions against harm may, as a matter of fact, be delegated (for example by a school authority to a school principal), the school authority remains ultimately responsible as a matter of law and cannot escape liability simply by saying any breach was by its delegate and not by it. This duty extends to taking reasonable precautions against both physical and psychiatric injury (Cox v. New South Wales, 2007; Phelps v. Hillingdon London Borough Council, 2000).
While the existence of the duty of care is well recognized, greater uncertainty attends the exact scope of that duty, both in a geographical and temporal sense. Significantly for cyberbullying, which not infrequently happens away from school and out-of-school hours, it would appear that in both Australia and the United Kingdom, a school's responsibility can extend beyond the schoolyard and before and after the school bell. An English appellant judge observed, “One can think of circumstances where [the duty] might go beyond [the school gates], for example if it were reasonable for a teacher to intervene when he saw one pupil attacking another immediately outside the school gates” (Bradford-Smart v. West Sussex County Council, 2002). In the High Court of Australia case Geyer v. Downs (1977), it was held that the scope of a school's duty of care could extend to before and after school hours and depended upon “whether in the particular circumstances the relationship of school teacher and pupil was or was not then in existence.” In another Australian case, a school was held liable where it knew that young students from a primary school and older students from a high school were gathering at the same bus stop after school and as a result of tensions between the groups a 12-year-old from the former group was struck in the eye with a stick thrown by a student from the latter group. The New South Wales Court of Appeal held that the extent and nature of the duty of a teacher was dictated by the particular circumstances, rather than the ring of the school bell or the closing the school gate, and here the school authority had breached its common law duty because it ought to have known of the mischief that was likely when children of different ages and from different schools mix without adequate supervision (Trustees of the Roman Catholic Church for the Diocese of Bathurst v. Koffman, 1996). The court went so far as to suggest that depending on the circumstances the common law duty of care could extend to students on a journey on a bus or while they were walking to or from school if the school authority were aware that “on that particular journey of the children habitually and violently bullied younger children” (Trustees of the Roman Catholic Church for the Diocese of Bathurst v. Koffman, 1996, p. 63, 597). The court thought that such a duty would be founded in the relationship of teacher and pupil and that in such case may well extend as far as to require the school to take preventative steps or to warn parents.
The significance of these cases lies in recognition that a school's duty of care toward its students is not limited to occurrences on school grounds and during school hours. Depending on the circumstances, it may extend to off-campus behavior by its students, particularly in the case of Australia where the relationship of teacher in pupil is in existence. That might, for example, mean that a duty of care may arise in relation to cyberbullying where the school has policies, which seek to dictate what may be regarded as acceptable behavior by its students both on and off school grounds and inside and outside of school hours.
However, a further layer of complexity arises in the case of psychiatric injury, which will generally be the kind of harm resulting from cyberbullying. In addition to the recognized duty of care owed by schools and teachers, targets need to show that it was reasonably foreseeable that a person of “normal fortitude” would suffer that type of injury in their circumstances, although different jurisdictions take different approaches to this consideration (Butler et al., 2010). Thus, in most Australian jurisdictions the “normal fortitude” test is a precondition to liability by virtue of the Civil Liability Act in those jurisdictions, while under the common law in Queensland and the Northern Territory the “normal fortitude” issue is merely only one of the range of matters to be taken into account when considering whether harm was reasonably foreseeable in the circumstances (Tame v. New South Wales, 2002). In the United Kingdom, there are differing views whether “normal fortitude” is a precondition or merely a relevant consideration (United Kingdom Law Commission, 1998). In any event, in as much as society is made up of people with varying susceptibilities to trauma (Chadwick v. British Railways Board, 1967), a “normal fortitude” test has no medical legitimacy: there is no such thing as a “normal” person, even less a “normal” child. At best, therefore, the test can be no more than a matter of impression in any given case rather than a question of science.
Merely because a school owes its students a duty of care does not mean that the school authority is an insurer of its students. Instead it is a duty to take reasonable steps to protect the student against risks of injury, which are reasonably foreseeable (Richards v. Victoria, 1969). Under the common law in the United Kingdom and now under the Civil Liability Act in each Australian State and Territory, this in turn raises two issues: (1) whether the risk of injury was reasonably foreseeable in the circumstances, and (2) what precautions (if any) a reasonable person would have taken to avoid that risk in the circumstances, taking into account the probability that harm would occur absent care, the likely seriousness of that harm, the burden of taking precautions, and any social utility of the risk creating activity. The risk of harm arising from bullying is now well known in school settings (Oyston v. St Patricks College, 2013), with most cases instead turning on whether in the circumstances reasonable precautions were taken to avoid that harm from arising. The same will likely be the case with cyberbullying.
When addressing the second question, courts in the United Kingdom adopt the so-called Bolam rule, which requires a standard of care that is in accordance with a responsible body of opinion, even if others differ in opinion (Bolam v. Friern Hospital Management Committee, 1957). All six of Australia's States (but not the two Territories) adopted this test by requiring the court to defer to a “reasonable body of opinion” but added the caveat “unless no reasonable court would do so” in their Civil Liability Acts, although Western Australia limited this test to medical professionals. In other words, when deciding whether the school authority or teacher was in breach of the duty of care, the question will be whether the response was in accordance “with that which might have been acceptable at the time by reasonable members of the teaching profession” (Gower v. London Borough of Bromley, 1999, p. 359). Decisions in cases involving face-to-face bullying provide guidance concerning what may be reasonably expected of a teacher and school. At an institutional level, schools would be expected to have antibullying policies (Smith, 2008; Stoltz, 2007). Such policies should specifically refer to cyberbullying, as an important measure to address the attitude of some students that behavior amounting to cyberbullying is merely a matter of having fun (Butler et al., 2011). The policies must be unambiguous in their terms and well disseminated among students, staff, and parents (Faulkner v. London Borough of Enfield and Lea Valley High School, 2003; Oyston v. St Patrick's College, 2013). At an individual level, complaints must be handled strictly in accordance with school policies rather than, for example, by an exercise of discretion (Oyston v. St Patrick's College, 2013). That will include taking complaints seriously, and properly documenting and investigating them (Cox v. New South Wales, 2007; Scott v. Lothian Regional Council, 1998). In addition, where the circumstances warrant remedial action, it must be taken in a manner, which is consistent, or students who cyberbully may regard any policy as merely words without substance (Butler et al., 2011). As already noted, the law places no significance on labels or the definitions applied by researchers. Accordingly, in some circumstances, it may regard a failure to appropriately deal with a one-off incident as amounting to a breach of the duty of care.
Some measures may not yet be sufficiently widespread as to reflect accepted teaching practices, such as banning the use of smartphones at school (Butler et al., 2011). Apart from anything else, banning phones at school would not prevent them being used to bully out-of-school hours (Grigg, 2010). However, that is not to suggest that over time a new practice cannot come to be widely accepted and thereby be regarded as representing part of an expected response to the risk.
There must be a causal connection between the breach of duty and the injury suffered (Faulkner v. London Borough of Enfield and Lea Valley High School, 2003). In other words, the breach of duty must have caused the harm in the sense that it would not have occurred “but for” the breach, or alternatively the breach “materially contributed” to the harm. This can be an important consideration when dealing with claims of cyberbullying of students since many of these symptoms associated with psychiatric injury such as mood swings, depression, anxiety, and poor academic results may be attributable to other causes associated with growing up, or as a result of unrelated difficulties in the family situation (Kift et al., 2010). That said, if the failure to prevent cyberbullying by the school authority or teacher is judged to have contributed to the harm suffered, that will be sufficient (Butler et al., 2010).
While in the United States it is possible to sue a parent for the wrongs of his or her child, a target of cyberbullying may still be inclined to sue a school for negligence based on the perception that a school may have greater financial resources than a parent to pay any compensation awarded by a court. A claim based on a common law duty of care in the United States must establish similar elements, namely that a duty was owed to the claimant, breach of that duty in the form of a failure to exercise reasonable care to avoid or minimize the risk of harm and that that breach was the “substantial factor” in bringing about the harm or alternatively that the harm would not have occurred “but for” the breach (Fenn, 2013). However, a target of cyberbullying is confronted by several obstacles in asserting such a claim against a school based on a common law duty of care that do not arise in either Australia or the United Kingdom.
The United States does not recognize a nondelegable duty owed by a school to its students as such. Instead it must be shown that the school owed a duty of care to the particular student who has been bullied. Generally speaking, absent a special relationship, there is no obligation on a person to prevent another person being injured by a third person (Burns v. Gagnon, 2012). Further, also absent a special relationship the “public duty” rule provides that government entities (like public schools) and their employees act for the public at large rather than owe a duty to specific individuals (Burns v. Gagnon, 2012). However, in some States, it has been recognized that at common law a special relationship exists between a school district and a student, which results in a duty on the school district to take all reasonable steps to protect its students, either because of the compulsory nature of education and the right of students to an environment fit for learning (Rodrigues v. Inglewood Unified School District, 1986) or because the school has custody of the student while at school (Burns v. Gagnon, 2012). Alternatively, the special relationship may arise by virtue of a statute, in which case its scope depends upon the specific wording of the statue. Indeed, in some States, it has been held that no such special relationship can arise via common law and must instead be imposed by statute (e.g., Silano v. Board of Education, 2011).
Nevertheless, a further difficulty arises in the form of a doctrine known as “government immunity” (or “sovereign immunity”), which holds that school districts, principals, and teachers are generally entitled to immunity from personal liability in tort for discretionary acts or omissions in the course of their employment (Albers v. Breen, 2004). For example, the way a principal responds to a complaint of cyberbullying may be regarded as a discretionary act because it involves balancing competing interests, including confidentiality and the appropriate punishment (Albers v. Breen, 2004). Different States take different approaches to this immunity, ranging from Georgia, which provides that it can only be waived by way of a statute enacted by the legislature, to States which provide that that immunity applies provided the legislature has not expressly denied it, and those that apply the immunity subject to exceptional cases such as where the failure to act would subject a specific person to imminent harm (Fenn, 2013).
Publicity given to numerous incidents of bullying and their tragic consequences has resulted in public pressure on lawmakers to respond, spawning what Fenn (2013) described as a “national boom” in antibullying legislation. Statutes dealing with bullying exist at both State and local levels, but vary widely in their terms (Beckstrom, 2008), creating a “complex, varied spectrum of State statutory schemes” (Fenn, 2013, p. 2753). For example, as at January 2016, only 23 States expressly included “cyberbullying” in their legislation, although 48 referred to electronic harassment, which may include bullying using electronic means (Hinduja & Patchin, n.d.).
Some States have enacted very detailed provisions. For example, Florida passed the Jeffrey Johnson Stand up for All Students Act that prohibits bullying, which is expressly defined as including cyberbullying (which is itself extensively defined), of any student or employee. It includes cyberbullying on campus, during school- sponsored activities, through technology accessed via a computer within the school or at a nonschool-related location or using nonschool equipment if the communication “substantially interferes with” the victim's ability to participate or benefit from services, activities, or opportunities offered by the school or substantially disrupts the “education process or orderly operation of the school.” It also requires all public schools to adopt and review at least every 3 years an antibullying policy in conformity with the Department of Education's model policy, and that contains certain minimum components such as:
● the consequences for a student who bullies;
● a procedure for receiving reports (including provisions permitting a person to anonymously report an act);
● procedures providing for prompt investigation of a report of bullying, immediate notification to parents of the victim and for regularly reporting to parents on actions taken to protect the victim;
● referencing of victims and perpetrators to counseling;
● programs of education concerning bullying for students, parents, teachers, school administrators, and counseling staff; and
● procedures for publicizing the policy.
Other states have differing levels of detail in their statutes. Indeed only 14 states extend the school's power to discipline students for off campus behavior (Hinduja & Patchin, n.d.). The State of Montana is the only State that currently has no statutory requirement for schools to have antibullying policies at all.
One significance of statutes such as that in Florida is that, depending upon the words of the legislation, investigation of complaints of bullying can no longer be characterized as a discretionary act, so that the government immunity no longer applies (Fenn, 2013). Further, depending upon the exact wording of the statute, it may prescribe a more specific kind of duty than the general common law standard of care noted earlier. In such a case some courts allow the plaintiff to show breach of duty merely by showing that the statute was contravened, while others allow contravention of the statute to be relied upon as evidence of breach of duty (Fenn, 2013).
A further complication arises by virtue of the First Amendment guarantee of freedom of speech, which by the Fourteenth Amendment also applies to state laws. In other words, a law such as that enacted in Florida, which prohibits cyberbullying may be seen as infringing the cyberbully's freedom of expression and for that reason be deemed to be invalid (King, 2010; Sumrall, 2016). It has been held that students do not “shed their constitutional rights to freedom of speech or expression at the schoolhouse gate” (Tinker v. Des Moines Independent Community School District, 1969, p. 506).
There has yet to be a United States Supreme Court ruling on the constitutional validity of cyberbullying laws (Sumrall, 2016). Until there is such a ruling, lower courts that are called upon to consider the question only have a quartet of Supreme Court decisions concerning the exercise of free speech in a school context in other circumstances to guide them. The most influential decision, Tinker v. Des Moines Independent Community School District (1969), held that the suspension of several students from school after wearing black armbands to protest the Vietnam War contrary to a school's policy against wearing armbands infringed their First Amendment rights. This was because wearing the armbands did not “materially and substantially” interfere with the requirements of appropriate discipline at the school, and did not invade the rights of other students. This ruling has since been described as the “magna carta of students' expression rights” (McCarthy, 2007, p. 15).
By contrast, in Bethel School District v. Fraser (1986), the Court upheld the suspension of a student who, when delivering a speech at a school assembly nominating a fellow student for Student Body Vice President, referred to the candidate in terms of an “elaborate, graphic and explicit sexual metaphor.” The Court distinguished these facts from those in Tinker because the speech here involved more than passive, undisruptive conduct but instead could have been seriously damaging for an immature audience since it glorified male sexuality and insulted teenage girls. It held that public schools had a responsibility to instill fundamental values of “habits and manners of civility” upon their students. Similarly, in Hazelwood School District v. Kuhlmeier (1988), the Court upheld the acts of a principal who refused to allow students to include an article on teen pregnancy and another on divorce in the school newspaper on the ground that they were topics that were not appropriate for younger students and his concern that the students and their parents who were referred to in the articles, while not named, could nevertheless be identified from their contexts. Rather than apply the Tinker standard, the Court noted that the newspaper was published as part of the school curriculum, largely controlled by the school and designed as part of the student's training and held that public schools could prohibit students' speech in such a school-sponsored activity if the restriction was “reasonably related to legitimate pedagogical concerns.” Finally, in Morse v. Frederick (2007), the Court held that a school was entitled to suspend a student for holding up a banner promoting illegal drug use at a school-sponsored trip to watch the Olympic torch relay. Rather than review the Tinker standard, as some scholars thought the Court was going to do (e.g., McCarthy, 2007), it simply noted that Fraser had shown that the Tinker standard was not absolute and that in light of the dangers of drug usage and the prevalence of drugs schools have the right to prevent speech that could be viewed as promoting illegal drug use.
This sum effect of these cases is that lower courts in the United States have no clear direction when dealing with First Amendment arguments in cases involving action taken against cyberbullies. For example, as Beckstrom (2008) noted, some courts have found that websites created using home computers that make derogatory comments about other students and/or teachers have a sufficient nexus with the school campus to qualify it as speech occurring on campus, and have found that they had caused substantial disruption of school operations due to the emotional toll on staff, disciplinary problems among students caused by them accessing the sites and/or (in one case) the shutdown of the computer system to student access, which prevented them from using the computers for school intended purposes. By contrast, other courts have held that such off-campus behavior did not cause substantial or material disruption on campus because the websites in issue may have been crude and juvenile but were not obscene, were created on home computers outside of school hours and/or were not shown to have interfered with teachers' ability to teach or control their classes.
Accordingly, schools in the United States face what has been described as a “lose-lose” situation (Schultz, 2011): they may face being liable to targets of cyberbullying when they do not act sufficiently aggressively to prevent it, and being liable to off-campus cyberbullies' issue if a court decides that the school has violated their First Amendment rights (Fenn, 2013). As Fenn (2013) noted, with the threat of legal liability looming as an incentivising force, it is little wonder that when schools are pushed in both directions—to take action or not to take action—some suggest the best advice is “don't do nothing, don't do too much” (Schultz, 2011). How exactly that translates in practice as a guideline for responding to particular circumstances is far from clear.
Cyberbullying is a scourge of the digital age. Technology has placed in the hands of bullies a potent tool that enables them to reach their targets any day or the week, wherever they may be. It is only natural, therefore, for targets such as Alex Boston to turn to a greater power in the form of the law as a means of addressing the power imbalance that they endure.
The threat of legal liability can be a powerful motivator for action. The circumstances in which a school can be held liable can provide guidance for expected parameters for interventions. However, an examination of the current positions in the Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States shows a stark contrast in approaches. In Australia and the United Kingdom there is yet to be a reported case dealing specifically with cyberbullying, although cases dealing with traditional forms of bullying are instructive. It is clear that a school's duty of care is not restricted to behavior on school grounds and during school hours. While the exact geographical and temporal scope is not certain, the duty attaches when the relationship of teacher and pupil is in existence. It may be argued that school policies that dictate off-campus behavior that may affect the school may constitute such a relationship. The question will then be whether the school's response met the requisite standard of care, in most places reflecting the accepted standards of reasonable members of the teaching profession. This will include such matters as developing antibullying policies that specifically extend to cyberbullying, disseminating, and promoting those policies, and proper investigation and documentation of, and responses to, complaints of bullying.
The position is much less clear in the United States. High-profile cases of cyberbullying have led to public pressure that has resulted in lawmakers in some states enacting statutes that detail the responses expected from schools and which set clear parameters for the kinds of interventions to be implemented. Other states have been much less proactive and have either no such legislation or less demanding requirements. However, until there is a clear consideration of cyberbullying in the context of the First Amendment by the Supreme Court of the United States, State legislatures and schools are left in a state of confusion concerning how aggressively the law requires them to respond to this form of objectionable behavior. The result is an uneven patchwork of inconsistent responses to the correct application of the Tinker standard of the effect of the behavior on the operations of the school in the particular circumstances arising, hardly a useful guide for educators grappling with this modern phenomenon.
44.220.184.63