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Mobility, Media, and Multiplicity: Immigrants' Informal Language Learning via Media

KRISTEN H. PERRY AND ANNIE M. MOSES

Introduction

In the mid‐1990s, Kristen's family hosted Eva, a high school exchange student from Germany. Almost every afternoon after school, Eva disappeared into the family's basement recreation room and popped a movie into the VCR (video cassette recorder). She watched the same movies repeatedly, insisting that those videos – more than anything else – helped her to learn English. By the mid‐2000s, Kristen tutored and conducted research within a Sudanese refugee community that had resettled in Michigan. Parents with young children purposefully watched educational programming on PBS (Public Broadcasting System) or cartoons as a method of developing their own English proficiency. At the same time, using desktop computers with internet connectivity, orphaned youth networked with others in the Sudanese diaspora and kept abreast of news regarding the ongoing conflicts in Sudan via both English‐ and Arabic‐language news websites and chatrooms. Fast‐forward to the late 2010s, when a master's student in Kristen's course provided English tutoring for a middle‐schooler from China. As they chatted about fun things to do in the region, the pair passed a smartphone back and forth, using the device to look up words in Google Translate and to find images to illustrate unknown words or places.

Each of these examples highlights the important ways in which language learners use media and technology to support informal language learning. They also illustrate the changing nature of technology and its relationship to informal learning, as well as the resulting challenges related to “the ability of our empirical work to keep up with rapid changes in technology and, in particular, to account for the effects of these changes in the everyday lives of children and youth” (Leander et al. 2010, p. 374).

Even with economic obstacles and hardships, most immigrants report access to some form of “old” or “new” technology as they go about their daily lives (e.g. Bradley et al. 2017). Older media may include forms such as television and radio, while computer and mobile technologies made possible by the digital revolution represent newer media. Electronic media devices and their associated programs help immigrants to fulfill many purposes, some as essential as helping to address basic needs and to establish and keep connections with others. Researchers have demonstrated the following learning benefits derived from immigrants' use of media: development of language and literacy skills within the new language (e.g., Demouy et al. 2015; Perry and Moses 2011), gaining knowledge of the new country's culture (e.g. values, beliefs, trends, current issues; Halliday‐Wynes and Beddie 2009), learning or maintaining the heritage language, as well as keeping connections to the home culture (Lam 2009; Lam and Rosario‐Ramos 2009; O'Mara and Harris 2014). In contrast to compulsory schooling with its required readings and assignments, informal learning – and its associated electronic media – rests on filling a need and/or having a useful place in an immigrant's daily activities.

Media‐based informal language learning can occur for a variety of learners, within a variety of contexts, using a variety of electronic tools, and for a variety of purposes. The concept of multiplicity, therefore, reflects an important theme across the research: Immigrants' informal learning involves multiple media, multiple languages, multiple literacies, and multiple learning goals. Multiplicity also reflects the complex interactions that occur in informal language learning. Learning through media is an interactive process that depends upon the learner, the learner's goals, the learning context, the languages and literacy practices in that context, and the particular learning medium (e.g. Gaved and Peasgood 2017; Scanlon et al. 2014; Sharples et al. 2006).

Mobility also represents a significant theme within the research on immigrants' informal language learning. Not only does immigrants' movement to a new country shape their learning, but their mobility across various contexts in their daily lives and the portability of modern media devices also contribute. Indeed, according to mobile learning theory (Sharples et al. 2006), a dialectical relationship exists between mobile technologies and informal learning. Mobile learning is “the process of coming to know through conversations across multiple contexts amongst people and interactive technologies” (p. 4). This theory is grounded in cultural‐historical activity systems mediated by tools that constrain and support learners and learning (Vygotsky 1978; Wertsch 1991); in other words, it focuses upon neither the learner, nor the technology, but rather the interaction between the two.

Similarly, mobile learning theory emphasizes the importance of context. It “embraces the multiple communities of actors (both people and interactive technology) who interact around shared objectives, mutual knowledge, orientations to study, styles and strategies of learning” (Sharples et al. 2006, p. 13), and the ways in which learners adapt their communication and learning to the available technologies. Time, place, and activity – key elements of context – play particularly important roles in informal learning through the media: They highlight the fact that learning takes place in a variety of out‐of‐school contexts via a variety of platforms and for a variety of purposes (Gaved and Peasgood 2017; Scanlon et al. 2014). Scanlon and her colleagues' (2014) framework for informal digital learning similarly “considers the place an incident occurs, task (s) the learner is carrying out, the tools the learner uses, the social support that the learner makes use of, the learning outcomes to be achieved and the (relative) time the incidental learning occurs” (p. 2). Other social and cultural contextual factors also influence how and why learners take up particular media as an informal learning resource, including age, the available media resources, the individual's reasons for migration, and their prior educational experiences (Demmans Epp 2017; Gaved and Peasgood 2017; Lam and Rosario‐Ramos 2009; Reichenberg 2016; Zhao and Phillips 2013). The roles of time and place with respect to media and learning appear to be particularly influential for immigrants, refugees, and other transnational learners.

The themes of multiplicity and mobility are also reflected in the concept of bifocality, which represents the “inclination to see things from multiple perspectives coming from the ‘home’ and ‘host’ societies” (Lam and Rosario‐Ramos 2009, p. 186), or the dual frames of reference that immigrant learners frequently develop as a result of their migration and learning experiences. Bifocality, for example, often reflects the connections immigrant learners make between home and host societies as transnational forms of exchange impact their social and cultural orientation (Lam and Rosario‐Ramos 2009). Digital networks, in particular, connect transnational youth to media information, news, and ideas from a variety of contexts, exposing them to “social experiences and political viewpoints that are not confined to one single social system” (p. 172). As Lam (2009) writes, “youth migrants and children of immigrants use multiple languages in digital communication to signify their transnational affiliations and frame of reference” (p. 304). Bifocality, therefore, is particularly relevant in understanding how transnational youth use digital medial to navigate social relationships and information.

Throughout this chapter we consider the ways in which multiplicity, mobility, and media shape informal language‐learning opportunities and related outcomes for immigrants. We will discuss research related to both self‐initiated informal language learning and the ways in which instruction and educational programs support informal language learning outside the classroom. Finally, we will highlight implications for educational practice and future research.

Informal learning through media: Maintaining the old and developing the new

As Razfar and Yang (2010) observe, informal learning via media involves both “literacy of technology and literacy through technology” (p. 123); in other words, learners use technology to learn new languages, and they also use language in the process of engaging with the technology. Not surprisingly, much media‐supported informal language learning is self‐initiated. Immigrant and transnational learners across the lifespan purposefully select from and use available media in strategic ways to engage in a variety of meaningful, informal learning opportunities. Educators and educational technology designers also have capitalized upon the capabilities of media, particularly mobile technologies, to support learners' propensities for informal language learning. Not only do these informal learning opportunities support language learning, but they also help connect immigrant learners to their homelands and heritage languages and cultures, as well as those of their new host societies.

Self‐initiated informal learning

Self‐initiated informal language learning is shaped by both immigrant learners' own characteristics and the nature of what it is they wish to learn – their goals and motivations for learning. In turn, these factors are intertwined with immigrants' purposeful selection of media for language learning, and the strategies they employ for that learning.

Immigrant learners' characteristics and motivation

Important aspects related to immigrant learners include demographic characteristics such as age, nationality, education level, occupation, age of immigration, language(s) spoken and read, reasons for migration, and goals for engaging with a particular technology or medium (Demmans Epp 2017; Lam and Rosario‐Ramos 2009; O'Mara and Harris 2014; Reichenberg 2016; Zhao and Phillips 2013). Learners' goals – whether for learning a new language or maintaining a heritage language, accessing cultural information, developing social connections, or some other purpose – also shape selection of media and particular uses of it (Lam and Rosario‐Ramos 2009; O'Mara and Harris 2014; Perry and Moses 2011; Zhao and Phillips 2013).

Several studies, for example, have shown that learners select different media and digital technologies, or interact with them in different ways, depending on factors such as age, ethnicity, and reasons for migration (Demmans Epp 2017; O'Mara and Harris 2014; Zhao and Phillips 2013). These authors also found important differences between cultural groups. Demmans Epp's (2017) research in Canada found, for example, that immigrants who migrated for the purpose of education tended to take up mobile technologies more readily than those who were older and who had migrated for political or economic reasons. Zhao and Phillips (2013) found significant differences in how immigrant parents and children interacted around educational television programs, depending on factors such as ethnicity, parental levels of acculturation, and parental occupation. O'Mara and Harris (2014) observed striking differences between ethnic groups in their after‐school digital arts program with regard to media selection and usage. More specifically, participants in their study used technology “in ways which appeared culturally embedded, or at least culturally inflected, and influenced by subjective relationships with ethnicity” (p. 17). They identified key factors in technology uptake and usage, including homeland–diasporic community connections, information‐sharing with others of similar backgrounds, and preferred communication styles.

Other aspects of learners' contexts, along with the available media, also shape the informal learning that occurs in other ways. For example, Fitzgerald and Debski (2006) found that the language in which a learner first learns how to use technology may determine how they continue to use technology as a learning medium. Bradley et al.'s (2017) research showed that newly arrived migrants in Sweden actively used both smartphones and television, but they used those media in different ways – television was useful for learning about the Swedish language and culture, while smartphones were more commonly used for maintaining connections to home communities, and less so for learning about the host society. Gaved and Peasgood (2017) detailed the elements of adult immigrants' effective use of mobile devices to learn a new language. Their findings resonated with others in showcasing the variability in what and how individuals informally learn from and through media, depending in part on context.

Learners' individual technical skills and the proficiency needed to use a specific device or program also figure into how they use a medium for language learning. Learners with little technological background knowledge are, not surprisingly, less likely to engage in learning via digital media. For example, Quadros and Sarroub (2016) studied three Karen refugee women from Myanmar. They examined how literacy and language evolved for the participants, including their strategies for learning oral and written English to address formal education needs of their children and to find work for themselves. Computers afforded the chance to make gains in the women's English proficiency, help with children's homework assignments, and conduct job searches. Doing so, though, relied on their nascent acquisition of technological skills. As one woman noted, “‘The internet is not good for me’ because she does know how to use a computer, and she doesn't have one” (p. 37).

Research findings about the relationship between participant characteristics and context reflects sociocultural perspectives on learning and development, such as activity theory (Wertsch 1991), situated learning (Lave and Wenger 1991), and apprenticeship (Rogoff 2003). These perspectives emphasize that learning is situated in a particular time and place that is connected to a particular cultural and community context. These theories also emphasize the essential roles that social relationships, culturally connected symbol systems, time, place, and activity play in learning and development. Lave and Wenger's (1991) concept of legitimate peripheral participation, for example, suggests that “learners inevitably participate in communities of practitioners,” such as speakers of a language, and that learning and mastery imply movement toward full participation in that community (p. 29).

Sociocultural perspectives also underscore practices, or what people do, focusing on activities and practices related to individuals' learning. As mentioned, immigrants have a variety of goals for learning related to language, culture, and relationships in both the new and the heritage contexts. The connectivity fostered by the internet and mobile technologies has been a great boon to many immigrant learners, allowing them to remain connected to heritage language and cultures, as well as to foster new connections within host communities (Bradley et al. 2017; Demouy et al. 2015; Lam 2009; Lam and Rosario‐Ramos 2009; Lee 2006; O'Mara and Harris 2014). Immigrants hoping to learn a new language might use a smartphone app to practice vocabulary and common phrases before a specific situation (Gaved and Peasgood 2017; Scanlon et al. 2014), such as going to the grocery store.

Those hoping to maintain connections with a heritage language or culture might participate in a social networking website (Lam 2009; Lee 2006; O'Mara and Harris 2014). For example, Lee (2006) studied two young adults – sisters – whose online presence and activity linked with their heritage language, Korean. Both women used Cyworld, a Korean blogging site, to remain current in Korean culture and news, but their approaches to this medium differed. While culture and context likely shaped their media choices and use, it is also important to remember that no group is monolithic. Indeed, the siblings who were raised in the same environment described different levels of comfort in communicating in English and Korean, which may account for differences in their media use. One of the siblings, Jendy, had a broader network of friends with whom she communicated through a Korean online site, whereas her sister, Lizzy, created “a safe place where she could experiment with language without being ‘judged’ about her abilities, intelligence, or character” by fewer contacts. While engaging with their social network contacts, they noted benefits: the site “led to ample opportunities to practice Korean, which resulted in improved proficiency […] to experiment with different ways of language use […and] receive explicit and immediate feedback” (pp. 106–108). Ultimately, their time online allowed them to stay linked to, and even enhance, their heritage language skills and cultural knowledge, with some limitations noted with regard to proficiency in that language.

Lam's (2009) study of two adolescent immigrants from China similarly illustrated the ways in which youth improved their heritage language abilities, but it also demonstrated the power of media and technology to support informal learning of academic content knowledge. Along with time spent online communicating and gaming, one teenager regularly participated in an online forum to follow Chinese popular culture and also pursue an interest in philosophy. He relied on these media engagements to “practic[e] literacy in his native language and us[e] his native language as an intellectual tool to engage in philosophical discussion” online (p. 309). The other teen also kept up‐to‐date on Chinese events and his written Chinese abilities through online activity by using “both [Chinese and English] to navigate different websites across countries to access resources related to anime and manga [his own interests]” (p. 313). In this way, both adolescent immigrants' “use of their native language in these online environments went beyond everyday vernacular varieties of language to the varieties of language tied to knowledge development in a particular social practice” (p. 317).

Emphasis on digital communities and networks also highlights the importance of social capital, or the benefits and resources that can be gained through a social network. Drawing on Putnam's (1995) work, Alfred (2010) and Reichenberg (2016) both noted that social capital serves to bond a community, through shared values, norms, and group homogeneity. Equally important, social capital has the capacity to bridge communities, by providing “linkages to networks and acquaintances that are external to one's immediate community, thus widening the pool of available resources and social networks” (Alfred 2010, p. 228). Bridging social capital may be especially critical for immigrant and transnational learners, as use of host media may foster language development, acquisition of knowledge of the host society, and development of intercultural relationships and a sense of community identity (Reichenberg 2016). Also relevant in the context of informal media learning is Gee's (2005) concept of affinity spaces, or supportive social groups that are centered upon a common interest. Online spaces, in particular, represent a participatory culture where “young people engage in peer‐to‐peer learning, creating and sharing media content, and collective support and problem‐solving” (Lam 2009, p. 305). Related to this perspective, Leander et al. (2010) asked, “How are participants in an activity not merely ‘situated’ in spaces and times, but rather actively networking’ learning resources across space‐time in the course of their activity?” (p. 336). This question highlights the agency that individual learners use in taking up or designing informal learning opportunities.

Media choices and informal learning strategies

Demmans Epp (2017) notes that a great deal of cognitive work occurs before using media for informal learning. Immigrants recognize, first, what they do and do not know in a new language and then seek specific resources, including media, to address that lack of knowledge (e.g. Demmans Epp 2017; Demouy et al. 2015). Following their media selection, learners then must identify and implement strategies for use and for informal learning. Researchers have identified a variety of different resources that immigrants have accessed to support different aspects of language development. For example, Demmans Epp (2017) documented immigrants watching videos, movies, or television and listening to radio or music to develop receptive language; using subtitles to verify comprehension or support decoding; parroting audio materials for pronunciation; using text‐to‐speech dictation tools for listening practice; accessing mobile dictionaries, thesauri, and translators; viewing Google images and reading Wikipedia to develop deeper understanding of vocabulary; employing Google Translate to fix communication failures; and adjusting playback speeds of audio materials to support listening comprehension.

Immigrants purposefully selected media for certain language‐learning activities. For example, the three Karen women in Quadros and Sarroub's (2016) study recognized the simultaneous role that media could play in both entertainment and learning. One of the women “expressed her satisfaction with watching movies and using the computer to find out more about the meat‐packing factory town where her husband worked as well as practice her English” (p. 38). As Quadros and Sarroub's (2016) findings indicate, older media still had a place, and a preference, in immigrants' daily lives. For example, movies, television, and radio provide language learners with access to authentic materials that promote the development of general language, pronunciation, pragmatics, and acculturation (Bradley et al. 2017; Demmans Epp 2017; Fallahkhair et al. 2007; O'Mara and Harris 2014; Reichenberg 2016; Zhao and Phillips 2013). Our own study of the learning supported by media among Sudanese refugee families (Perry and Moses 2011) occurred prior to the advent of smartphones. Few refugee families in the community had access to computers or the internet, but all had a television. The parents in the study purposefully viewed programming for language learning: One mother enjoyed watching cartoons and other shows with her very young children, because she felt it helped her to learn English. Another watched English education programs broadcast for adults by the public television station until she felt ready to take ESL (English as a second language) classes at the community college; in fact, she claimed that “I learned how to spell English on Channel 18” (Perry and Moses 2011, p. 294). Immigrants to Sweden also used the television, and in particular children's programming, to learn more about Swedish culture (Bradley et al. 2017), while immigrants in several contexts reported using subtitles on the television to aid their language development (Bradley et al. 2017; Demmans Epp 2017; Perry and Moses 2011).

Often, learners' choice of media and/or learning strategies depended on their “media preferences and study habits” (Demmans Epp 2017, p. 7), as well as other individual characteristics, such as age, cultural expectations, and prior familiarity with various media. For example, O'Mara and Harris (2014) designed a community‐based arts program for immigrant youth to promote skills and further development in the creative arts as well as potential employment as a creative arts teacher. Teachers and students in the workshop used different electronic media to design and learn about creative arts techniques. Although the program was designed around formal learning goals, participants appropriated the media and technology for their own informal learning goals. In fact, the researchers found that different ethnic groups used the program's computers in different ways, depending upon the access they had to media and technologies outside of the program: “A majority of Samoan, Vietnamese and Chinese participants had Internet … access at home, and were observably less keen to use it during the workshops; the majority of Sudanese participants, however, stated that they did not have internet at home and therefore eagerly took the workshop opportunity to update Facebook and stay in touch with friends” (p. 9). Samoan youth, in contrast, preferred to search for Islander karaoke songs for group sing‐alongs – a learning goal decidedly more in line with the program's stated focus. While the Sudanese youth's decision to use the computer lab for social networking instead of completing workshop tasks conflicted with the program's goals, the youth's desire to maintain connections with their heritage language and culture represented powerful informal learning opportunities that became as pronounced as the intended, formal learning events.

The mobile and multimodal qualities of newer media technologies, such as smartphones, allow for communication and learning in different ways for different participants and in ways that were always available – when affordable. As Gaved and Peasgood (2017) observed, “The affordances of smartphones (highly portable, powerful and domesticated) make them ideal platforms to move learning beyond the classroom and into everyday life” (p. 1). Mobile devices support independent learning in part because they are already integrated into learners' everyday routines (Demouy et al. 2015; Gaved and Peasgood 2017). Learners are predominantly interested in using smartphone apps for informal language learning when those programs can be “tailored to local circumstances and tak[e] account of their preferences” (Gaved and Peasgood 2017, p. 4). O'Mara and Harris (2014) observed, for example, that “for some young Sudanese migrants, digital technologies offer a more private, less judgmental learning space” (p. 16). This has been echoed by others – learners across studies clearly appreciated the ability to independently learn through smartphone apps in private locations (Demmans Epp 2017; Demouy et al. 2015). On the other hand, the internet and mobile technologies have also enhanced the interactive, social aspects of informal language learning: Bradley and her colleagues, for example, noted that “the social side of mobile learning has increased vastly, from being a much more individual activity to a more social one” (2017, p. 3). What seems clear is that mobile digital technologies have greatly increased the options available to encourage informal learning, affording immigrants more choices about when, where, and how to learn through media.

Media designed to support informal language learning

Mobile‐assisted language learning (MALL) tools represent “any technology that migrants use to support their learning or communication while they are mobile or that is available through a mobile device” (Demmans Epp 2017, p. 1). Well aware that immigrants already appropriate a variety of mobile tools to learn language informally (Bradley et al. 2017; Demmans Epp 2017), researchers and educators have designed programs and apps for various media to support informal language and cultural learning for them. One important factor determining whether or how specific apps or programs were taken up as informal learning resources was whether they were context‐independent (i.e. supported language learning at any time or place), context‐dependent, or what researchers characterized as providing “just‐in‐time” learning (Gaved and Peasgood 2017; Fallahkhair et al. 2007).

In a mixed‐methods study, Bradley et al. (2017) studied apps embedded within a national program for recent immigrants to Sweden that focused on Swedish pronunciation. Participants' use of media in Swedish led to benefits: the participants in the program plus app group improved more in their production of Swedish sentences and phrases than did those completing the traditional program only. Repetition seemed key here, especially when participants listened to their own production of Swedish words through the app. Though a small aspect of language, pronunciation highlights an asset of electronic media: the ability to record and hear one's own performance to analyze, reflect on, and make changes to improve in language skills. The researchers also examined all of the participants' media use, opportunities to use their new language skills, and their actual language production. Most often, participants engaged with media in order to communicate with family and friends in their heritage language, leading the researchers to note the significance of making the content and activities meaningful and engaging.

The development of media programs that draw upon meaningful and contextualized learning activities characterized other programs designed to promote language learning in immigrants. One of the pre‐smartphone era programs we reviewed – Television and Mobile Phone Assisted Language Learning Environment (TAMALLE) – created an interface between television programs and mobile phones (Fallahkhair et al. 2007). The TAMALLE interface heightened advanced English learners' television viewing by providing on‐screen support through captions and other displays, and it also connected the viewer to a personalizable “learning sphere” (p. 316) that allowed them to access a program summary and information about difficult language and cultural items in the program. These resources could be accessed prior, during, and after the show. Researchers found that TAMALLE prompted learning both in real‐time and at the viewers' leisure. TAMALLE‐like learning supports are even more possible now, with the advent of smartphones. For example, the Best Buy store released a smartphone app in conjunction with the release of the movie Despicable Me, which allowed viewers to “translate” the gibberish spoken by the Minion characters in real time (Furchgott 2010). These kinds of interfaces seem easily adaptable for supporting informal language learning in a variety of contexts, especially given the increasingly sophisticated capabilities of both voice‐recognition and language‐translation technologies.

Smartphone apps with location detection also have increased the possibilities for context‐specific informal language learning. For example, Gaved and Peasgood (2017) created a series of learning activities that aligned with daily tasks and challenges (e.g. shopping, medical care, transportation) as well as cultural activities for recent immigrants into the European Union. The Sensors and Apps for Languages in Smart Areas (SALSA) linked app users with their current location, allowing participants to select relevant activities based upon the context. Beacons were connected to 12 different location‐specific scenarios, such as transportation, healthcare, and shopping. Participants learned on‐the‐go as well as during planned situations. SALSA provided six different types of learning activities connected to the scenarios: audio dialogues, written transcripts, vocabulary, grammar, language tips, and recommendations for other self‐directed activities.

The developers identified time, place, and purpose as determining when informal learning occurred (and when it did not). Some participants in Gaved and Peasgood's study mentioned “using the app when out and about if the trigger occurred at a moment when they had time, or could stop for a while” (2017, p. 9). For example, one participant

Went to the bus ticket office, where the app was triggered, unlocking an activity about asking staff for ticket information. Rather than read the app in front of the staff, the participant stepped outside the office, read the app, learned the key phrases, and then went back into the office to use them in conversation.

(p. 9)

Another participant reported that the location‐specificity of the learning helped him “feel more confident to go there” (p. 10). Still other participants reported quickly checking the app when it was triggered in a location, but spent time more carefully studying the content later. Importantly, the researchers found that participants were far less likely to use the app in contexts where it was socially or culturally unacceptable to use phones: “I don't want to annoy people with the sound [of the app], because I think I'm respectful … I think people want to do their own stuff on the bus and not just hear my music or hear my English lesson” (p. 10), one participant recounted. These findings highlight the social‐emotional element of informal learning through/with an app.

When created for a certain population, electronic media products and programs clearly serve an important role in learning and functioning. However, when electronic media products and programs are difficult to use or do not provide the support wanted or needed, then they fall to the wayside (e.g. Bradley et al. 2017).

Lessons learned: Supporting informal language learning

Our review of the literature related to immigrants' informal learning through media offers important insights for a variety of stakeholders, whether they be educators in a formal school setting or tutors providing less formal instruction to immigrants, designers of educational media and technology, or educational researchers.

Implications for educators

The kinds of learning we have discussed, of course, primarily occur outside formal instructional contexts, as learners engage in self‐directed learning or in learning on‐the‐fly. Yet, our review points to two types of implications for educators in formal settings: (i) lessons from the informal learning in which immigrants are already engaged, and (ii) lesson about the ways in which educators can provide support for informal learning through media.

Immigrants' informal language via the media offers important lessons for educators about what immigrants want to learn, what kinds of learning tools are available to them, and the strategies they feel are helpful in learning. This means that educators, first, can recognize that informal learning is happening and that – far from assumptions about television being a “boob tube” or the internet being a “wormhole” – both old and new media can be useful tools in facilitating that learning (Perry and Moses 2011).

Recognizing the media‐facilitated informal learning in immigrant students also means attending to the various funds of knowledge that learners bring to their learning. Because a variety of demographic and contextual factors shape immigrants' informal learning, educators can seek to learn about the media contexts and media‐related practices of various immigrant communities and specific learners. Knowing learners' ages, literacy levels, and the languages in which they are fluent and literate can help educators make plans and provide appropriate instruction and materials. Educators also can ask about learners' access to or familiarity with a variety of media, platforms, programs, apps, and content. They might inquire about the age at which learners first began using particular digital media, and the language in which they learned to use those media. This knowledge can point to the types of media, practices, and strategies with which learners already may be familiar, as well as those that an educator might introduce to enhance learning. Indeed, immigrants are already adept at finding, accessing, and using mobile resources; as Demouy et al. (2015) has rightly pointed out, “their knowledge of what is available may surpass educational practitioners' knowledge” (p. 19).

Accessing this information about immigrant learners also means acknowledging and honoring learners' migration and transnational experiences, as well as their desires to remain connected to loved ones, homelands, and heritage languages and cultures. As Lam and Rosario‐Ramos (2009) observed,

A language education that takes into account the transnational connections of young migrants would need to move between the local and the global, between language as community resources and language as transnational resources. This would be a language education that draws from and fosters the funds of knowledge (Moll et al. 1992) of immigrant students coming from their communities, and also the funds of knowledge that come from their points of connection across societies.

(p. 187)

In addition to demographic and cultural factors, educators also need to find out about immigrants' learning needs and goals. Are they accessing media in order to learn about language, and if so, which aspects of language do they feel are most pressing? For example, some learners might need basic vocabulary and grammar assistance, while others might be interested in culture or language pragmatics, and still others might have context‐specific needs. Do immigrants wish to learn or maintain a heritage language, or are they learning a new language? Are learners seeking to learn about their new cultural context or to make social connections with those in the host society? Or, do they hope to maintain connections with a heritage and a homeland?

As noted in this chapter's Introduction, theories related to informal learning and the media emphasize that learners engage in bifocality (Lam 2009) and use multiple frames of reference, or what Razfar and Yang (2010) refer to as “multiplicity and mediation” (p. 122). This multiplicity of frames of reference represents rich funds of knowledge that immigrants and other transnational learners bring to language‐learning situations, which educators may capitalize upon to further learning. For instance, knowing that their learners are likely engaging in informal learning that goes beyond classroom assignments, educators also can provide lists of websites, apps, or other media‐related resources, such as educational programming on TV, that can address learners' real‐world learning goals. These resources can include both “just‐in‐time” or context‐dependent resources, such as smartphone apps that are triggered when a learner is in a specific location, as well as those that are more general or independent of context. Educators can also highlight other helpful features of existing media, such as television closed‐captioning, print‐to‐voice apps, or voice memos that studies have shown promote language learning. Immigrant learners can use these features for independent learning or to facilitate communication in challenging language contexts (Demmans Epp 2017). In conjunction with recommending specific media resources and features, educators also can help learners to develop the skill of “noticing,” or fostering explicit awareness (Kukulska‐Hulme and Bull 2009), as well as self‐regulation (Demmans Epp), both of which may enhance learners' ability to better select and use appropriate media resources. Along these lines, educators can model and facilitate learners' ability to be critical users of media (Razfar and Yang 2010).

Implications for educational designers

The informal learning that can happen through media is only as good as the media themselves. The current literature offers insights for ways in which media platforms, or the content offered through them, can be designed to foster everyday informal learning.

Dual coding theory (DCT), rooted in the practical use of imagery that evolved into writing systems (Paivio 2006), suggests that two codes work in tandem during all cognition: “the verbal code, which uses verbatim language as input to an associative network of verbal representations, and the nonverbal code of mental imagery that is evoked in reading by the activated verbal representations” (Sadoski and Paivio 2007, p. 350). Paivio's (2006) work illustrates the beneficial effects of concreteness and imagery on learning, memory, and recall. Therefore, “combining pictures, mental imagery, and verbal elaboration” (p. 11) is more effective than words alone at promoting learning. Mayer and Moreno's (2002) work regarding animation as an aid in multimedia learning similarly uses the beneficial cognitive connections between images and words to outline several principles for supporting meaningful learning using multimedia sources. The most powerful avenue for learning through media, they argue, occurs when visual elements (e.g. animation) and words (e.g. narration) convey a message with cohesiveness and consistency, and messages are presented in a less formal tone. However, Bus and colleagues' work in electronic children's storybooks (2015) warns that there is a fine line when it comes to multimedia features: Too much switching back and forth between features or other multitasking can actually interfere with learning new information. This literature suggests that educational designers should carefully create content and features that utilize both the visual and verbal codes to present new information to learners.

Recognizing that the same content or features may be differentially accessible depending on the learner's capabilities at a given moment in time, Kukulska‐Hulme and Bull (2009) suggested that media developers consider “the processability of features at different stages of learning” (p. 16). Developers also should consider who will be helping learners as they use an app or other media product for learning (Kukulska‐Hulme et al. 2015) as well as the affordances of interactivity and social media in their designs (O'Mara and Harris 2014). For example, how could bots or other digital assistants be used to provide support to learners beyond basic tech support? How might digital and mobile technology platforms connect learners to trusted volunteers, forums, or other social networks – what Kukulska‐Hulme and her colleagues (2015) referred to as “geosocial radar” (p. 14)?

Context matters – including the individual characteristics of the immigrant learners and the content to be learned – in determining why and how immigrants seek out and use different media devices and programs. In essence, there is not one route to learning through media, whether informally or formally, and educators and educational designers will need to consider each element when creating media for and/or working with immigrant learners.

Implications for future research

While a body of research has already explored informal language learning through both old and new media, much still remains to be learned – particularly as technological advances occur with increasing rapidity, and as those technologies become increasingly available to a broader spectrum of the population. For example, we now wonder about the ways in which informal learning connects with formal learning. What is similar? What is different? What transfers from informal to formal contexts, and vice versa? How can insights from each learning context enhance the other?

Researchers also note that migration and transnationalism afford important learning opportunities for immigrant learners, particularly with respect to bifocality and “the potential to promote cognitive complexity in view of the demands to assess and evaluate information that comes from diverse sources and forms of reasoning” (Lam and Rosario‐Ramos 2009, p. 186). Yet, questions still remain about how experiences with migration, transnationalism, multilingualism, and multiculturalism affect and shape learning for immigrant learners. For example, Lam and Rosario‐Ramos (2009) assert the need for fine‐grained analyses of the ways in which youths'

communication with peers and family members across countries, their information seeking behaviors and their content production (e.g., in the forms of electronic messaging, activities on social networking sites, web page authoring and media use and production) affect the degree to which the youth maintain and develop competence in their mother tongue, English or other additional languages, the ways they navigate different media representations of events and issues and their identity development in these transnational spaces.

(p. 188)

Similarly, Razfar and Yang (2010) observe that younger children also are developing “new hybrid forms that merge new technologies with multiple national languages, literacies, and discourses” (p. 121). Better understanding the informal language (and other) learning that occurs through these media interactions likely will have important implications for supporting both informal and formal learning opportunities for learners across the lifespan.

Researchers should also focus not just on the learning that is occurring, but on the learners themselves. Research that explores learners' perspectives is crucial. What do learners feel is important to be learned? How is media facilitating or hindering that learning? How do learners make choices about which media resources to use, when to use them, and why? What is working well, and what could be improved to make informal learning more achievable for more learners? What social resources are needed to support informal learning through media?

Finally, issues of access and equity must be on the radar of future research. The arrival of, and increasing access to, smartphone technologies has lessened the issue of access for many immigrants; few newly resettled refugees in Lexington, Kentucky, for example, have a computer with internet access in their homes, but almost all have a smartphone. Yet, access to a smartphone does not equal access to digital content. Immigrants may not have WiFi connections available to them, and mobile phone data plans and app purchases can be expensive (Gaved and Peasgood 2017; Hoven and Palalas 2011; Kukulska‐Hulme et al. 2015). The lack of technical support, tutors, or other mentors also may limit informal learning opportunities, even when technology is available. Similarly, learners hoping to maintain heritage languages and literacies may be constrained by the availability of, and access to, digital media resources in those languages (Fitzgerald and Debski 2006). While immigrant learners are quite good at identifying their learning needs and self‐selecting resources that could help them meet those needs, many learners feel frustrated by technologies, platforms, and programs that are confusing or do not meet their needs (e.g. Demmans Epp 2017; Kukulksa‐Hulme et al. 2015). Not only may learners not have access to tech support, but the independence that media fosters for learning also means that the structures and scaffolding may not be in place to lead to in‐depth or long‐term learning. Questions for researchers and policymakers related to equity and access include: How can the cost of access to devices, WiFi, or cellular connectivity, and programs or apps be significantly reduced or eliminated? Who will support the learners (Kukulska‐Hulme et al. 2015)? How can language‐learning resources better support learners who are not yet literate in any language? How can existing or new informal language‐learning technologies be adapted to better support cross‐cultural understanding and relationship‐building in the new society?

The potential is great for informal language learning through media: Immigrants already find and use an array of media devices and programs to achieve different goals with respect to learning about both heritage and new languages and cultures. At the same time, much remains to be learned regarding why, when, and how informal learning occurs through media. The field is poised for more research and more insights into this multifaceted phenomenon.

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