6

“Honey-Drenched, Rags to Riches, Good versus Evil Stories”

The Telenovela as a Cultural Referent in the US Press

Guillermo Avila-Saavedra

Ever since the first Spanish-language television network, SIN (Spanish International Network), started broadcasting out of Texas, California, Florida, and New Jersey in 1961 (Veciana-Suárez, 1990), Spanish-speaking audiences in the United States have been watching telenovelas. In doing so, they have been keeping a tradition shared by millions of television viewers in Latin America. In fact, this form of serialized melodrama has been the cornerstone of Latin American television since the first television adaptations of radionovelas were made in Cuba in the 1950s and were quickly exported throughout the region (La Pastina, 2004). Over several decades, the telenovela became a multibillion dollar industry reaching far beyond the borders of Latin America. Mexican, Venezuelan, Brazilian, and more recently Colombian telenovelas have been dubbed and successfully exported to Europe and Asia (Mato, 2005). The global success of telenovelas can be explained on multiple levels: the universality of melodrama, the familiarity of topics, and the appeal of serialized narratives. On the other hand, in the United States telenovelas have remained mostly the privilege of Latino households. However, even if mainstream US audiences are not aware of them, the United States has been host to an extraordinary evolution of the telenovela genre.

This evolution has taken place along with the development of Spanish-language broadcasting and the growing influence and presence of Latinos in the United States. Today, in fact, some of the most successful telenovelas are produced in Miami by a subsidiary of NBC with international casts and then sold around the world (Mato, 2005). According to Sinclair (2003), the telenovela industry in Miami is “a kind of cultural equivalent of the Hollywood film industry” (p. 212) that is becoming the essence of Latino media in the United States. Moreover, telenovelas are now being adapted for English-speaking audiences by mainstream networks.

This unprecedented form of cultural crossover is illustrative of the more influential role of Latinos in the United States. The interest in adapting telenovelas for mainstream viewers is indicative of the growing influence of Latinos as producers and consumers of media. One advertising industry report claimed that “births are outpacing immigration as the main source of Latino growth, and these US-born Latinos – already 60% of all Latinos – are less likely to speak Spanish as their primary language and are better educated, higher earners and more prone to marry outside their ethnic group than the immigrant generation that preceded them” (Navarro, 2006a, p. C4). If advertising money is any indication, media analysts predict that “as technology transforms media consumption into a pull mechanism with consumers in control, we will see an explosive growth and demand for Hispanic-oriented English-language media, in all forms” (Cartagena, 2006, p. S6). One of the first indications, the first bilingual television commercial in mainstream television, aired during the 2006 Super Bowl broadcast by Toyota (Ostrow, 2006). Telenovelas broadcast in English could appeal to millions of younger second- and third-generation Latinos, while introducing a new television genre for mainstream audiences at the same time. On the other hand, how telenovelas are adapted and received by English-speaking audiences may reflect the changing status of Latinos in mainstream US society. This essay examines the origin, generic structure, cultural relevance, critical and audience reception, and eventual cancellation of four telenovela adaptations broadcast on My Network TV (a Fox-owned station) in 2006 and 2007.

The Latin American Telenovela

Broadly defined, a telenovela is a Latin American form of serialized television melodrama that always comes to a narrative conclusion. Telenovelas air five nights a week for an average of six months. This definition resists the temptation to compare telenovelas to US soap operas with their never-ending narrative arcs or to network television prime-time dramas, which air once a week and where returning seasons are dependent upon ratings. Beyond structural differences, a telenovela can be defined in stylistic terms as well; its melodramatic tone has come to be regarded as a distinctly Latin American aesthetic. Scholars discuss the role of the telenovela as an icon of cultural identity.

Roura (1993) labels the telenovela as “the empire of the domestic” (p. 37) and identifies particular elements that characterize the genre. Traditional telenovelas require an evil female character, an “Eve,” who is usually evil beyond rationality and comprehension. Her counterpart is a “Maria,” the good female character defined as “virginal, submissive, good, loyal, naïve, fragile, and incapable of the sexual act” (Roura, 1993, p. 62). Other important elements are the male protagonist, who is often the source of female antagonism, and a setting that displays luxury in order to highlight the class differences that often prevent the protagonists from being together. Gómez (1996) articulates the themes that constitute the genre. Happiness is difficult and does not come easily, good eventually overcomes evil, the role of destiny shifts from sadistic force to provider of happiness, and the value of marriage is confirmed as a sacred reward. An interesting element of Roura's analysis is that she defines telenovelas as a pornographic genre. She argues telenovelas are gendered texts. Just like sexual pornography is designed to stimulate and release masculine fantasies, telenovelas are designed to satisfy women's emotional needs. This explains their popularity beyond their original contexts of production and consumption.

Defining the boundaries of the genre can be problematic for telenovela research. Traditionally all telenovelas were constructed as love stories. These days, however, telenovelas can follow the adventures of a high school class or the successes of a fashion designer. According to Acosta-Alzuru (2003b), there are two broad categories of telenovelas: the telenovela rosa, which focuses on the romance and misfortunes of a heterosexual couple, and the telenovela de ruptura, which explores social issues perceived as problematic. Mandoki (2002) identifies 15 very specific categories of telenovelas, classified by age groups and topics, although she acknowledges that they often overlap. González (1992) argues that given the lack of a proper definition of the genre, each researcher has to articulate her own. This discussion is, however, purely academic. Audiences recognize a telenovela when they see one, based on its serialized format, the recurrence of actors, and the anticipated joyous conclusion.

La Pastina (2001) identifies cultural capital as a key variable in the process of interpretation among telenovela audiences in rural Brazil. In exploring the influence of telenovelas on the working class of Brazil, Vink (1988) discusses the telenovela as a social discourse where “the dominant and best formulated discourses are those on personal and private relations: gender, love, marriage, and family; discourses on social classes and their relations are secondary” (p. 181). Acosta-Alzuru (2003a) examines a Venezuelan telenovela whose producers refuse to label it as feminist despite its innovative way of portraying gender roles. She argues that even when more positive gender portrayals are gaining a space, telenovelas still reinforce a notion of feminism as undesirable.

González (1992) points out the need for a cultural approach in telenovela research. He argues that although telenovelas are commercial products, their real significance lies in collective and cultural interpretation. Martín-Barbero (1993) highlights the economic relevance of the telenovela, linking its commercial and cultural environments. He argues that telenovelas, with their emphasis on the dramatic elements of perceived ordinary lives, constitute a cultural defense against the increasing com-modification of life. Straubhaar (1984, 1991) highlights the role of the telenovela as a form of regional cultural expression that challenges notions of US cultural imperialism and promotes a Latin American identity. In that sense, telenovelas constitute a vehicle of regional cultural identity.

Telenovelas and Cultural Identity

As discussed in the previous section, telenovelas challenge notions of cultural imperialism from the North to the South. Telenovelas are exported as a Latin American genre, but little has been said about their national identities. La Pastina, Rego, and Straubhaar (2003) attempt a classification of telenovelas according to country of origin. Mexican productions tend to have little context; Colombian telenovelas are more comic and ironic; Venezuelan productions are more emotional; and Brazilian telenovelas are the most realistic with clearer temporal and spatial contextualizations. These authors argue that telenovelas are both entertainment and information because they are producers of cultural meaning and images congruent with social processes in Latin America. According to La Pastina and colleagues (2003), it is difficult to spot future trends in telenovela research as they become more and more globally interconnected with other forms of entertainment. They argue that telenovelas are evolving to a point of “continuous re-adaptation and integration within the urban landscape they have become symbolic of” (p. 5). In other words, they believe telenovelas have the potential to promote social change and future research should focus on how audiences incorporate these narratives into their daily lives.

Acosta-Alzuru (2003b) examines a number of nontraditional telenovelas dealing with issues such as sexual harassment, domestic abuse, abortion, and homosexuality. She argues that viewers only receive as acceptable telenovela narratives those issues that have long been part of an open public debate. Telenovelas cannot freely deal with issues that are perceived to be overly controversial and have not been extensively debated. Telenovelas constitute sites of mediation between production, reception, and culture. Understanding each instance of the culture circuit provides a clearer understanding of the production of meaning out of media texts. Each instance can be studied independently but is dependent on the others. As Acosta-Alzuru notes, “these articulations are underpinned by tensions between the commercial demands of the genre (high ratings) and the creative-ideological demands of the author” (2003b, p. 212). In other words, production and consumption are interconnected.

In her analysis of three popular Mexican telenovelas, Beard (2003) argues that because of their popularity and media monopoly, telenovelas exercise great influence on the social construction of gender and the maintenance of cultural meaning in Mexico. According to Beard, despite their perceived differences in terms of content, style, and intent, Mexican telenovelas tend to reflect images of gender, sexuality, race, and class that validate the dominant system in force. For example, she notes that the only indigenous-looking characters in telenovelas tend to be maids and household help. In terms of gender, Beard argues that telenovelas reinforce “appropriate feminine” behaviors and support the idea that “only certain forms of female behavior and appearance, only certain gendered performances, are considered normal in society” (2003, p. 82). Finally, in terms of class, Beard argues telenovelas support a capitalistic economic model by constantly “blurring the lines between advertisement and entertainment” (2003, p. 86). It is interesting to note that, according to Beard, Televisa executives reject pushing a political agenda since the network envisions telenovelas as reflecting reality rather than as educational instruments.

Because telenovelas in Mexico dominate ratings and the networks' programming, Gonzátez (1992) argues that it is essential to understand the relationship audiences establish with the programs; textual analysis of telenovelas is irrelevant and inconsequential. González focuses on how audiences use telenovelas. He argues, for example, that audiences find telenovelas helpful when solving problems on issues ranging from financial decisions to childrearing. Therefore, telenovelas perform cultural and educational functions beyond their mere aesthetic or entertainment value.

On the other hand, according to Mandoki (2002), research on audience reception often ignores telenovelas' aesthetic value. Their popularity in places as far as Russia and China suggests there is something universally meaningful about them. She argues that telenovelas “need no training for appreciation, and their aesthetic value is as obvious to its fans as it's negligible to its detractors” (2002, p. 183). Mandoki wants to understand what kinds of relations are established between telenovelas and their audiences, and she concludes that telenovelas are “far from the sublime and close to the ordinary” (2002, p. 208) but have the potential to reflect situations that are relevant for their audiences and therefore an important field for exploring media's social and cultural influence.

The work of other scholars ties telenovelas' commercial logics of production with their cultural logics of consumption. Martín-Barbero (1993) argues that telenovelas are significant subjects of analysis because of their economic relevance for Latin American media industries and because of their “modeling presence” of social customs and values. He argues that the commercial success of telenovelas in Latin America is a consequence of Latin American societies' struggle between increasing commodification and loss of the melodramatic aspects of traditional culture. Telenovelas constitute a sort of weapon in this struggle. They are a defense strategy against the commodification of daily life and against the loss of identity.

Tufte (2000) argues that telenovelas are globally the most successful genre of television fiction. Through an ethnographic approach to the reception of a particular telenovela in different parts of Brazil, he argues that audiences' interpretation is the result of a negotiation between direct readings of the telenovela text and audiences' particular situations. Tufte also argues that the economic and cultural conditions in Brazil are best represented as a hybrid between tradition and modernity. Telenovelas exemplify this inherent contradiction that is part of Latin Americans' daily lives. Also in the context of Brazil, Vink (1988) examines the incredible popularity of the genre. According to Vink, telenovela narratives emphasize the characters' romantic lives and family situations, while ignoring most of the social and economic contexts where they take place. He argues that in Brazilian telenovelas, when the narrative touches on socioeconomic issues, the discourse of class is morally charged with a critical view of the upper class and an idealized view of the working class. Vink concludes that by presenting the lower economic classes as a sort of ethical ideal, telenovelas have limited capacity to promote social change.

An element of telenovela research that remains insufficiently examined relates to the reception of these programs outside of Latin America. In exploring the reception of telenovelas among Latinos in the United States, Barrera and Bielby (2001) define five specific cultural functions that telenovelas perform for Latinos in the United States: (1) recreating Latino culture; (2) providing familiar narratives; (3) offering an opportunity to hear the native language; (4) portraying more traditional gender roles that are more consistent with Latino culture and hard to find on mainstream Anglo television; and (5) providing a representation of extended families that is valued by Latinos in the United States. Barrera and Bielby conclude that telenovela audiences in the United States gain much more than entertainment; telenovelas are instrumental in “recreating and maintaining a strong cultural bond to Latin America” (2001, p. 13). However, the telenovelas included in their research are Latin American productions aired on US-based Spanish-language networks. The English-language telenovela, intended for both English-speaking Latinos and mainstream audiences, is a recent, completely unprecedented development. An understanding of telenovelas' ability to transfer across geographical and cultural borders is relevant to the core of this analysis.

International Telenovela Flow

Latin American telenovelas can be discussed as a form of resistance against cultural imperialism from US media. Due to their global popularity and economic success, telenovelas in fact represent a contra-flow media form, a concept that explains how cultural production is not limited to flow from rich to poor countries but is rather a two-way street. For example, more than half of the Eastern European television channels have Latin American telenovelas in their programming (Biltereyst & Meers, 2000), and one of the main producers in the region, Brazil's Red Globo, exports telenovelas to more than 128 countries (La Pastina, 2004). Beyond cultural and historical comparisons, the ground for Latin American telenovelas' success is economic; telenovelas are relatively inexpensive to produce compared to other foreign media products. Biltereyst and Meers believe that Latin American telenovelas should be seen as equal players in the globalized media market. Media conglomerates such as Televisa in Mexico, Red Globo in Brazil, or Venevision in Venezuela should not be considered different from US-based media corporations. According to Biltereyst and Meers, Latin American telenovela producers have clear commercial strategies by responding to an increased demand for cheap television programming. Therefore, efforts to replicate the success of telenovelas in countries outside of Latin America are tied to the telenovela's ability to provide inexpensive programming that attracts large audiences.

Examining telenovelas' global appeal, La Pastina and Straubhaar (2005) argue that audiences approach media texts based on cultural proximity, defined in both geographic and linguistic terms. On the other hand, the global appeal of telenovelas beyond Latin American relative cultural homogeneity can be explained from multiple levels: the universality of melodrama, the familiarity of topics, and the cultural, historical, and linguistic similarities in Latin America (La Pastina & Straubhaar, 2005). However, telenovelas are cultural texts and their ability to transfer across borders, without substantial adaptation, is limited. Arguably, the extreme success of telenovelas in their domestic markets can only be replicated by reproducing the genre in the specific social and cultural contexts where the television text would be consumed. That would be the commercial rationale behind the US-produced, English-language telenovela.

Mato (2002, 2005) argues that the big production centers, such as Mexico, Brazil, and Venezuela, have resisted a complete cultural homogenization of their telenovelas. When distributing telenovelas in Latin America, producers still face resistance to local accents and national references. According to Mato, “the city of Miami has become consolidated as a ‘territorial’ point of reference for the transnationalization of [the telenovela] industry” (2002, p. 195). Miami-based telenovelas, with multinational casts and lack of specific references, appear as culturally neutral productions. Mato argues that in the context of media globalization, Miami can become the center of production of a homogenized Latin American telenovela industry. Ever since NBC purchased Telemundo in 2002 (James, 2007), the Miami-based telenovela has been replacing Latin American productions as the main source of telenovelas for Latinos in the United States. This development can also be considered the immediate precedent to the US-produced, English-language telenovela.

Despite the fact that millions of people in the United States regularly follow telenovelas, and the documented stylistic and aesthetic influence of telenovelas on US soap operas (Bielby & Harrington, 2005), until recently the telenovela genre had seldom been covered by the mainstream press. A simple LexisNexis search for the term “telenovela” in major national newspapers reveals how the number of stories jumped to 589 in 2006 from 106 in 2005 and 149 in 2004. This sudden burst of journalistic attention was not of course gratuitous. It responded to the announcement by all the major networks of plans to adapt and develop telenovelas for mainstream, English-speaking audiences, and it took momentum with the launching of a new television network wholly devoted, at least initially, to the idea of the English-language telenovela.

My Network TV

In 2006, the invasion of the telenovela in US television seemed imminent. Several English-language telenovela plans were announced and reported in the press (Albiniak, 2006). Mexican actress Salma Hayek reached an agreement with ABC to adapt the widely successful Colombian telenovela Yo soy Betty la fea (I'm Betty, The Ugly) for mainstream audiences; the show, Ugly Betty, premiered in September 2006. Latina television producer Nely Galán was reportedly working on an adaptation of the novel The Dirty Girls Social Club by Latina author Alisa Valdes-Rodríguez as a telenovela for Lifetime (Huff, 2005). Another Latina television executive, Nina Tessler, was quoted several times working on telenovela adaptations for CBS (Fernández, 2006). However, it was a new network, born of a melodramatic, telenovela-esque saga of corporate mergers and acquisitions, that finally gave the green light to the first truly US-produced, English-language telenovelas.

In the first half of 2006, CBS Corporation and Warner Bros. decided to merge their struggling networks, UPN and WB respectively. Both UPN and WB had been created in recent years in order to target a younger, more racially diverse demographic, and both had independently delivered mediocre results to their parent companies. The result of the merger was the CW television network. Local affiliates that signed with the new network acquired the new logo and corporate image as well as the most successful programming from the deceased networks, including America's Next Top Model, Smallville, and Everybody Hates Chris. However, a problem arose in those markets where both UPN and WB had local affiliates. Suddenly there were local stations without network affiliation and without programming. The solution came from Fox (Bauder, 2006; James, 2006).

Because of different agreements, purchases, and mergers, the Fox network already owned several UPN local affiliates. Fox immediately announced the creation of a new network, My Network TV, to supply programming and support to all the local stations left without network affiliation after the UPN–WB merger, and hopefully to more local stations around the country. In that sense, My Network TV is innovative; it is a hybrid between a traditional network and a syndication company. For example, WPHL in Philadelphia is now called MyPHL17 and borrows the logo and image of My Network TV, while WHP in Harrisburg is still a CBS affiliate that happens to buy some of its programming from My Network TV. This identity crisis is just one of the confusing aspects of My Network TV and might explain the lack of an “About Us” link on the company's website. Fox announced the launching of My Network TV for September 5, 2006. Fox also announced that the cornerstone of its programming would be prime-time daily dramas with 13-week narrative arcs. The network did not publicize the fact that the scripts had been adapted from successful Latin American telenovelas. In fact, the network did not hire writers but “translators who condense and convert old telenovela scripts from Spanish to English” (Bianco, 2006a, p. E3). As far as identification is concerned, some network executives called the new shows “short dramatic series” (Elliott, 2006b). Others in the press called them really long miniseries; nobody from the network called them telenovelas, even though that is clearly what they are. Just as clear was Fox's intention to create a new network in order to lure a particular demographic, since “telenovelas broadcast in English could appeal to millions of younger second- and third-generation Latinos who speak English more frequently than Spanish” (Elliott, 2006a). My Network TV's offering consisted of four one-hour shows that ran in pairs between September and December 2006 and between December 2006 and March 2007 and that eventually failed to deliver the expected ratings. The shows were Desire; Fashion House; Wicked, Wicked Games; and Watch Over Me. This essay explores how mainstream print media framed the telenovela genre in their coverage of these telenovela adaptations. This discourse analysis helps locate the failure of these shows in a larger social and cultural context.

Methodology

Although similar in some fundamental elements, discourse analysis is more complex than content, narrative, or rhetorical analyses because it emphasizes not only the meaning of the text but also the social construction of meaning through the text (Acosta-Alzuru & Lester-Roushanzamir, 2000). Therefore, language is analyzed in light of the social positions of the speakers and the relationship of power between them. MacMillan (2006) defines discourse analysis as the “broad area of language study, containing a diversity of approaches [...] and very different methodologies” to investigate the social use of language (p. 1). According to van Dijk (2001), the fundamental nature of discourse analysis is “understanding the nature of power and dominance and how discourse contributes to their production” (p. 301). Van Dijk (2001) argues that ideologies play a vital role in discourse analysis since ideologies function as interpretative frameworks that determine social attitudes and beliefs (Dellinger, 1995). Therefore, van Dijk envisions language and discourse in the same way as Stuart Hall and other cultural and media scholars envision media texts. The political, economic, social, and cultural contexts where discourse is produced and consumed are fundamental for understanding the relationship between language and power. An approach to discourse analysis that emphasizes and exposes the relationships among texts, ideologies, and cultural power has been favored by a poststructuralist, cultural studies-oriented branch of media studies. According to Fairclough (1992), the relevance of discourse analysis is “showing how discourse is shaped by relations of power and ideologies, and the constructive effects discourse has upon social identities, social relations and systems of knowledge and belief” (p. 12). He argues that discourse analysis should consider ideas and values that are both present and absent in the text.

In media studies, discourse analysis requires multiple in-depth readings of the text subject of analysis, identification of themes and categories, and the establishment of relationships between themes and the broader social and cultural contexts where the media text takes place. When analyzing media texts, the focus of discourse analysis is on social conditions and how media language legitimates social control and allocates cultural power (MacMillan, 2006). According to Fairclough (1995), media discourse should be placed in the “wider cultural context of detraditionalization and informalization which are profoundly changing traditional constructions and conceptions of self-identity” (p. 73). Discourse analysis of mediated texts is useful to reveal the larger dynamics behind the production of those texts. Acosta-Alzuru and Lester-Roushanzamir (2000) define discourse as “a system of representation in which shared meanings are produced and exchanged; discourse emphasizes relations of power while also attending to relations of meanings and the process of production and exchange are therefore ‘materialized’ within the text” (p. 307). They apply discourse analysis to their examination of the social and political dimensions of journalistic coverage during wartime, while Gavrilos (2002) applies discourse analysis to understand how news media represent and construct an ethnic community in the United States.

Analysis of the press coverage of television programs is relevant to understand the social and cultural contexts of production and reception. According to Mittell (2001), the examination of television genres requires a discursive approach that considers the different dimensions where television texts take place. Television analysis, Mittell notes,

Through analysis of the mainstream press coverage of each of these telenovela adaptations, this essay examines the social and cultural discursive connections around the telenovela genre present in the United States today. Discourse analysis is useful because, as stated above, it emphasizes not only the meaning of the text but also the social construction of meaning through the text (Acosta-Alzuru & Lester-Roushanzamir, 2000). The analysis focuses on the extent, tone, and intent of coverage of the telenovelas, not only as a new television genre but also as a cultural product of Latin American origin. The press articles analyzed come from six prominent newspapers (New York Times, Washington Post, USA Today, Los Angeles Times, Tampa Tribune, and Houston Chronicle), one media-related popular magazine (Entertainment Weekly), and one trade publication (Broadcasting and Cable). The newspapers were chosen either due to their national relevance or because they represent a geographic area in the country where Latinos are more numerous. All of the articles were obtained from the Lexis-Nexis database. The time frame studied ran from August 1, 2005 (shortly before the start of the 2005–2006 television season) to May 15, 2007. The search terms included “telenovela,” “my network TV,” and the program titles. Additional background and contextual information was gleaned from the network's website descriptions of the plots and characters, weekly 10-minute recap videos posted on the network's websites, and my own nonsystematic viewing of the programs and familiarity with some of the original Spanish-language productions.

Desire

Initially, My Network TV had announced that all their shows would take the umbrella title of Desire. Eventually, however, they decided to identify only their 8 to 9 p.m. show with that name. Desire is an adaptation of the successful Colombian telenovela Mesa para tres (Table for Three), produced by Caracol TV in 2004. Although several changes were made to adapt the story to the US context, the basic plot is quite simple and remains the same. Two brothers, on the run from the mob, hide in a new town and become restaurateurs; the real drama begins when they realize they are in love with the same woman (Desire, 2006). Even though Desire, being a new experiment for the network, benefits from a smaller budget than comparable prime-time shows, it is undeniable that the US adaptation has much higher production values than the Colombian original.

The adaptation of the script tends toward “Americanizing” the characters rather than the plot. The show's director, Alex Wright, is quoted as saying that “generally Americans have less body language than Colombians do, so we have less of that; throwing your hands up in the air and saying ‘Dios mío,’ all that stuff is out” (Navarro, 2006b). However, regardless of how mainstream the characters appear, taken out of their Colombian context some elements of the plot (e.g., Colombian drug lords become New Jersey Italian mobsters; the social and cultural oddness in the United States of grown men's extreme closeness to their mothers) seem particularly alien to US social and cultural contexts. The show performed poorly for the network; the debut obtained a 1.0 rating and the remaining episodes averaged a 0.4 rating in the key 18–49 demographic (Benson, 2006). It is never explicitly stated but the network's intention to attract the Latino audience is obvious given the casting decisions; therefore, opportunities to draw cultural references abound. Latinos would not only be attracted presumably by the genre and plot, but they would find familiar faces among the actors as well. Tomy Dunster, who plays George Marston in the show, has appeared in the Argentinian telenovela Rebelde way (Rebel's Way) and the Mexican telenovela Mientras haya vida (As Long as there's Life). Eliana Alexander, who plays the brothers' mother Rita Thomas, appeared in the Miami-based, Spanish-language network Telemundo production La ley del silencio (The Law of Silence), broadcast in the United States and throughout Latin America in 2005.

Fashion House

The 9 to 10 p.m. timeslot in the network's initial offering was occupied by Fashion House, an adaptation of the Cuban telenovela Salir de noche (Going Out at Night), produced by ICRT (Instituto Cubano de Radio y Televisión). The plot revolves around the hostile takeover of a fashion company by two competing industry tycoons whose families and histories are dramatically intertwined (Fashion House, 2006). Fashion House was the network's safest bet due to its two big, if somewhat forgotten, stars. Bo Derek and Morgan Fairchild portray the two rival fashion gurus and there is more than enough fighting and screaming between them. As suggested by television critics (Bianco, 2006b; Shattuck, 2006), for mainstream US audiences this fictional relationship would be strongly reminiscent of that played out by Joan Collins and Linda Evans in Dynasty throughout the 1980s. Latino audiences, however, would also recall other memorable strong female leads in famed Latin American telenovelas, such as Lupita Ferrer's role in the 1985 Venezuelan telenovela Cristal (Crystal), produced by Radio Caracas Televisión, which was also set in the fashion world. Furthermore, the feisty heroine who is not afraid to throw a tantrum has had multiple incarnations in Latin American telenovelas, from 1983's La fiera (The Fiery One) to 1987's Rosa salvaje (Wild Rose) and 1985's Las amazonas (The Amazons). As noted earlier, telenovelas are designed to satisfy women's emotional needs (Roura, 1993), so overly dramatic, emotional female characters are recurring elements of Latin melodrama, from Mexican telenovelas to Almodóvar's award-winning films. In Fashion House, Cuban American actress Natalie Martínez, as the frustrated fashion designer Michelle Miller, also adds to the Latino flair. Fashion House performed only slightly better than Desire, averaging a 0.6 rating throughout the show's 13-week run (Benson, 2006).

Wicked, Wicked Games

Even if publicly disappointed by its first shows' performance, My Network TV, and implicitly Fox, bet on a second two-show round of English-language telenovelas from December 2006 to March 2007. The 8 to 9 p.m. timeslot of the second offering was occupied by Wicked, Wicked Games, an adaptation of the 1998 Venezuelan telenovela Aunque me cueste la vida (Though It Might Cost Me My Life), produced by RCTV (Radio Caracas Televisión). The plot is a story of revenge. A woman (played by Tatum O'Neal) is rejected by the object of her infatuation; she returns 25 years later, rich, beautiful, and powerful, to take revenge. She plans to use her innocent twin sons to seduce the daughters of her former lover and take control of his possessions. Her plans fall apart as the youngsters fall genuinely in love (Wicked, Wicked Games, 2006). This is the one show that lacked explicit Latino appeal. None of the cast members is Latino and the business-like setting feels alien to the core of the story. In fact, some stylistic elements of the plot were severely toned down for mainstream audiences. In the original telenovela, the story of revenge took place in a context of magic spells and gypsy curses, elements that are completely absent in the US version. However, these changes work against the adaptation since such a wicked thirst for revenge, witch-like laughs and evil stares included, appears disproportionate in the context of profit margins and stock values provided by the show. Wicked, Wicked Games performed just as disappointingly as the previous shows, averaging a 0.7 rating throughout its run (Benson, 2006).

Watch Over Me

The 9 to 10 p.m. timeslot in the second round of English-language telenovelas was taken by Watch Over Me, an adaptation of the Argentinian telenovela Resistiré (I Will Resist), produced by Telefe in 2003. In 2006, Televisa produced its own adaptation for the Mexican market titled Amar sin limites (To Love without Limits). The plot is a love triangle. Julia (Dayanara Torres), “an alluring graduate student and rare beauty” (Watch Over Me, 2006), is engaged to a wealthy man involved in criminal activities that she ignores. Julia falls unexpectedly in love with a poor but honest man. Because of her engagement, she struggles to keep her feelings secret until the true nature of her fiancé is revealed. Of all the My Network TV shows, Watch Over Me has the most explicit Latino appeal. Dayanara Torres might appear as a newcomer to mainstream US audiences, but US Latinos would remember her as the 1993 Miss Universe from Puerto Rico who went on to star in multiple telenovelas and married and divorced singer Marc Anthony. Furthermore, her character, Julia Rivera, is clearly identified as Latina while both her love interests are Anglo men. The Latina/Anglo love ensemble has been a rare occurrence on mainstream television. In addition, Julia's openly gay brother Ryan was played by Omar Avila, who was recently seen by Latino audiences in the 2005 Venezuelan telenovela Soñar no cuesta nada (It Doesn't Cost Anything to Dream), produced by Venevisión and broadcast in the United States on the Spanish-language network Univision. Colombian-born actress Catalina Rodríguez and Mexican American actor Tony Castillo also had recurring roles in the show. However, Watch Over Me performed just as poorly as its predecessors and its final episode marked, at least for the time being, the end of telenovelas as the cornerstone of My Network TV's programming.

On March 1, 2007, just days before the final episodes of Wicked, Wicked Games and Watch Over Me, My Network TV announced it was abandoning the telenovela format. The shows were replaced by two weekly serialized dramas, American Heiress and Saints & Sinners, and the rest of the programming schedule was filled with movies and sports shows. In February 2009 My Network TV announced it was moving from a network model into a hybrid programming service (Malone, 2009). Under this model, My Network TV provides only limited prime-time programming to its affiliates, which need to turn to syndication services to fill their schedules. Currently the network offers no original fictional programming. The consequences of the failure of My Network TV's English-language telenovelas are significant. In a media market where more and more networks and cable channels compete for the same advertising money, other networks are unlikely to repeat the telenovela experiment. Furthermore, even if these telenovela adaptations were not explicitly targeted to Latinos, the alleged influence of bilingual Latinos as a media audience is now questionable. The failure of a new television genre takes on social and cultural dimensions.

The mainstream press followed the birth, troubled life, and apparent demise of the English-language telenovela with much interest. The importation and adaptation of television genres or programs is not necessarily big news. Adaptations of reality television shows like Big Brother and American Idol as well as of comedies like The Office and dramas like Queer as Folk have made their way from Europe without much fanfare. After all, Europe has always been a cultural referent in the United States, and audiences are not likely to even be aware of the precedence of television concepts. That is certainly not the case for the importation of telenovelas from the South because it represents a little reminder that cultural currents actually run both ways. Therefore, the idea of a US-produced, English-language telenovela is not something that goes easily unnoticed for critics or audiences. According to González (1992), telenovelas require no definition since Latin American audiences recognize one when they see one. Mainstream audiences, however, are not familiar with telenovelas, and the proper introduction of a new idea always requires a definition. Like any media text, telenovelas constitute sites of mediation between production, reception, and culture. Therefore, the style and tone chosen by the mainstream press to define the telenovela for the greater public are illustrative of their approach to the whole collection of people, cultural meanings, and social conventions that the idea of an English-language telenovela represents. Based on a discourse analysis of mainstream US press coverage of these programs, I have identified the following themes: (1) a devaluing of the telenovela genre and (2) the use of the telenovela as a cultural proxy for Latinos.

Devaluing the Telenovela Genre

Definitions of the telenovela found in the press are relevant precisely because they are not academic definitions. Arguably, television critics in newspapers and magazines exercise more influence on the public's appreciation of the new genre than culture and media scholars. Interestingly enough, in the US mainstream press telenovelas are defined either in reference to or in opposition to soap operas and recent serialized prime-time dramas. Even though “any channel surfer can see that Latino prime-time dramas have more oomph than that yanqui ‘Days of Our Lives’ fuss” (de la Torre, 2005), most critics find the telenovela/soap opera reference useful. Therefore, in the words of newspaper television critics, telenovelas can simply be “melodramatic soap operas that are hugely popular on Spanish-language networks” (Levin & Bianco, 2006) or, more explicitly, “telenovelas are melodramatic, episodic TV programs, broadcast in Spanish, that combine elements of soap operas, mini-series and serialized shows like ‘Dynasty’ and ‘Desperate Housewives’” (Elliott, 2006a). In obvious and sarcastic reference to some less than memorable television shows, an Entertainment Weekly television critic thinks of telenovelas as “Aaron Spelling sudsers on speed” (Bierly, 2006). (Spelling was the producer of such 1980s prime-time soap operas as Melrose Place and Beverly Hills, 90210.) An interesting aspect of this approach to defining telenovelas is that it does not acknowledge telenovelas' influence on recent serialized television programming in the United States. Desperate Housewives is an obvious reference to define telenovelas precisely because the show, and other recent serialized programs, borrows heavily from the Latin American genre and not the other way around (Thottam, 2006).

When it comes to style and aesthetics, some definitions border on offensive while somehow remaining just playful. In such cases, telenovelas are “saucy, spicy, campy soap operas” (McDaniel, 2005) or “sex-drenched stories centered on impossible love affairs, implacable enemies and insoluble family problems” (Elliott, 2006a, p. C6). Although similar notions of the genre have long been held by Latin American scholars and critics, in the context of the US mainstream press they take on a different connotation. By obvious association, they reinforce stereotypes of Latinos as overly sexual, overly emotional, family-centered people. Saucy and spicy are not necessarily bad characteristics, but they tend to portray Latinos as one-dimensional and predictable.

Culturally sensitive approaches tend to be the exception and are mostly found in the New York Times and the Washington Post. Other sources' definitions can take a very negative tone. Again, it is worth considering that these definitions are more than media reviews, they are also harsh evaluations of a foreign culture. It is only the fact that they are dealing with television shows that frees these critics from the political correctness of US journalism. Very condescendingly, a telenovela can be described as “a steamy low-budget soap opera genre that has become the staple of television programming in Spanish-speaking countries” (Carter, 2006), “over the top and unintentionally comedic,” “produced dirt-cheap” (Levin, 2006, p. 1D), as simple as “honey-drenched, rags to riches, good versus evil stories” (Porter, 2005, p. AR1), and consist of “heaving bosoms, breathless dialogues and betrayal” (Whoriskey, 2006, p A1). A devastating definition describes the “classic conventions of the genre” as follows:

This expert assessment suggests not only a lifetime of telenovela watching, but also an absoluteness that finds nothing salvageable in telenovelas, not even the campiness others celebrate. If telenovelas are no better than parodies of soap operas, an already underappreciated genre, the obvious question is why would anyone want to reproduce such bad television in the United States? Starting with this rhetorical question as an assumption, it is fair to say that journalistic assessment of My Network TV and the first English-language telenovelas was hardly objective. With an average circulation of 2.3 million and claiming more than 4.3 million readers (USA Today, 2007), USA Today is the nation's top-selling newspaper. Given its wide reach and presumed lack of regional flavor, arguably USA Today represents the average, mainstream cultural taste of people in the United States. Therefore, the assessment of the newspaper's media critic, Robert Bianco, is particularly relevant. Bianco is at best skeptical of the English-language telenovela:

At worst, he appears derisive. Speaking about the translation of telenovela scripts into English, Bianco notes, “one can only hope the scripts have lost something in the translation – though my guess is they would be awful in everything from English to Esperanto,” and then concludes, “think of the most incompetent soap opera you've ever seen, imagine something even worse, and there you have My Network TV” (2006a, p. E3). At least from the perspective of USA Today, which echoes throughout coverage from other sources, the failure of the network seems to have been both expected and desired.

The Telenovela as Cultural Proxy

Some television critics attempt a more sophisticated approach and try to locate telenovelas within a cultural and social context. Navarro, of the New York Times, explains that for US Latinos telenovelas “function like a kind of cultural touchstone” and that even bilingual Latinos follow them because they show “a Hispanic presence not found in most English-language programming” (2005, p. AR1). Telenovelas are part of a Latino heritage. Sometimes critics define telenovelas not by comparing them to soap operas but by their unique characteristics. They quote network executives praising telenovelas' “rich cinematic look” (Elliott, 2006b, p. C8) and “crazy, fun, dramatic and melodramatic” narratives (Bierly, 2006). Navarro concludes, rather ominously, that “the genre is so distinctive that some say it is better left alone” (2006b). However, even culturally aware critics work with a rather limited definition of the telenovela, and a variation of the genre that is very popular and deals with historical and political issues is never commented on.

Even if assuming that media critics cannot greatly influence the tastes or media consumption of US audiences, their opinions are still relevant. Media critics represent the voice of the mainstream press, an important social institution. Arguably, critics do not approach a media text in isolation, but rather within a social and cultural context. Television critics found problems in almost every aspect of the telenovelas, from the music – “this Americanized melodrama is underscored – but mainly undermined – by mournful pop tunes” (Stanley, 2006) – to the production values, evidently inferior to other network prime-time dramas (Cridlin, 2006). Even the name chosen for the network created suspicion (really a spinoff of another Fox-related venture, the My Space website). Some wondered if the name was too explicitly Latino, given the tendency to use the possessive to signal that something is meant for exclusive consumption by US Latinos, as in “tu canal” or “nuestro canal” (“your station” or “our station”) often seen in Spanish-language television stations. The obvious implication, even before the shows premiered, is that mainstream audiences will feel alienated. The fear of Latino influence is also evidenced by the use of Spanish in several of the shows' reviews, for example: “it will be muy interesante to see whether this import will prove mainstream enough [and can] deliver la pasion in English” (Treviño, 2006, p. 11A). Arguably, such use of Spanish highlights the foreign nature of telenovelas with an emphasis on cultural stereotypes.

However, most critics took issue, perhaps rightly so, with the shows' poor writing and acting. Speaking of the shows' supposed cliffhangers, Bianco (2006c) comments: “Can you stand the suspense? Yeah, odds are you can” (p. 10D). On the other hand, even critics who tried to explain the failure of US-produced, English-language telenovelas by the inability of the network to respect the essence of the genre in the adaptation process end up, perhaps unconsciously, undermining the genre itself. Stanley notes:

The argument here is multifold. Media reviews are critical of these adaptations for being poorly made, but they are also critical of the telenovela genre in general. More importantly, by constantly highlighting the telenovela origin and popularity in Latin America, arguably media critics in the mainstream press are critical of the discerning taste of Latinos as a cultural group.

Discussion

In the introduction to her latest book, Once upon a Quinceañera: Coming of Age in the USA, author and essayist Julia Alvarez (2007) answers the question, what exactly is a quinceañera?, by saying, “the question might soon be rhetorical in our quickly Latinoizing American culture” (p. 2). Arguably, the same can be said about telenovelas. The question, what exactly is a telenovela?, might soon be a rhetorical one. If only for that reason, the recent inauspicious foray into the English-language telenovela has had profound implications. An important element of Latino culture is becoming common cultural currency in mainstream US society. On the other hand, the failure of My Network TV's telenovelas is disquieting on its own merits.

An advertising executive quoted in the Los Angeles Times on the potential of English-language telenovelas states that “everyone is curious to see how this will play out; it defies all the conventions that make network television work” (James, 2006). She goes on to consider whether audiences would rather see “more sophisticated narratives.” It is fair to say that the My Network TV telenovela adaptations were clumsily done, poorly acted, and insufficiently promoted, which at least partly explains the overwhelmingly negative reviews they received in the press. Furthermore, the programs' failure might be the result of some self-fulfilling prophecy of low expectations. Supposedly excited about the new shows, even network executives cannot help conceal their condescension toward the genre. Bob Cook, president of Twentieth Television, a division of Fox in charge of the telenovelas' production, is quoted as saying that “there are some very popular telenovelas that we did not option; the reason is because they were too corny, too over-the-top, too overstated and didn't adapt well to American sensibilities” (Bauder, 2006, p. 6). One wonders if the same contempt for television audiences in Latin America tainted the network's evaluation of the particular US demographic they were trying to attract. Arguably, the network based its bet not on the genre's strengths but on a perceived lack of sophistication on the part of the audience. Audiences did well, then, by responding less than enthusiastically.

In light of all the evidence, are we supposed to conclude that over the span of a few months we have witnessed the rise and fall of the US-produced, English-language telenovela? Other evidence suggests a more nuanced evaluation. My Network TV is a new network, with limited budgets, a handful of local affiliates, and no name recognition in an already cluttered media landscape. It does not seem fair to lay the blame for the failure entirely on the genre or the concept. Another interesting piece of evidence has to do with regional differences in audience reception. According to Hibberd (2006), the shows performed a lot better in New York, averaging ratings of 1.8, than in California, where shows averaged an almost invisible 0.2 rating. This information raises important questions about the cultural tastes and social dynamics in different parts of the country. Answers to these questions might suggest a better timing and more effective promotion strategies for future English-language telenovela projects.

Besides its commercial failure, the English-language telenovela, as adapted by My Network TV, also failed to engage in a discussion about the status of Latinos in US society. These telenovelas failed to create a direct connection with Latino audiences while attracting mainstream audiences at the same time. They failed to raise important social and political issues about Latinos and did not produce iconic or memorable media images for US Latinos. In terms of the hybridization of US television, these telenovelas failed to show the potential of Latin American genres. Arguably, these English-language telenovelas were mere translations with only superficial nods at cultural adaptation. In summary, My Network TV's telenovelas suffered from an identity crisis. They were never embraced as telenovelas by the network, they were promoted as a new US genre, and their Latino identity was never explicit enough to be relevant. On the other hand, another recent and more critically and commercially successful hybrid show such as Ugly Betty on ABC (another telenovela adaptation) may be a better reflection of the aesthetic and cultural influence that Latin American genres may exercise on US television. Cultural hybridization has little to do with imposing cultural products “as is,” but a lot to do with borrowing, adding, mixing, and blending. These new shows stress the need for and point in the direction of further research of hybrid US Latino television programming. This kind of scholarship is clearly relevant, given the growing influence of US Latinos as producers and consumers of media, and the inherent power of television to symbolically articulate negotiations for social and cultural power.

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