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Portrayals of Female Scientists in the Mass Media

Jocelyn Steinke

Scholarly interest in media portrayals of female scientists has emerged as a focus of communication research for two main reasons. First, media portrayals of women in professional roles, in general, reflect cultural views and trends related to the current status as well as the changing roles of women in the workforce and society (Downs, 1981; Glascock, 2001; Haskell, 1979; Massoni, 2004; Signorielli & Bacue, 1999; Signorielli & Kahlenberg, 2001; Vande Berg & Streckfuss, 1992; Weigel & Loomis, 1981). Second, media portrayals of women as science professionals, in particular, are potential sources of information and influence about future professional roles for children and young adults. This chapter traces the historical underrepresentation and gender stereotyping found in portrayals of women scientists in the mass media and describes the role these media portrayals play as “important contributors to the construction and maintenance of gender stereotypes” (Lauzen, Dozier, & Horan, 2008, p. 201) and as factors that can limit the representation and status of women in the science, engineering, and technology (SET) workforce (Schmader, Johns, & Barquissau, 2004). This chapter also explores contemporary portrayals of women scientists that challenge gender-stereotyped claims of science as a masculine domain (Kelly, 1985) and examines the potential of these more progressive portrayals to broaden the participation of women in SET.

Gender-stereotyped portrayals of working women relegate women to particular professional domains in ways that both mirror the reality faced by women and simultaneously limit women's potential for advancement and growth in the US workforce. Media portrayals of female scientists, in particular, for many years have reflected the traditional gender stereotypes seen in media portrayals of working women in other professions, specifically that have emphasized femininity or beauty (Fouts & Burggraf, 1999; Henteges, Bartsch, & Meier, 2007; Hoerrner, 1996; Lauzen & Dozier, 2002; Massoni, 2004; Neuendorf, Gore, Dalessandro, Janstova, & Snyder-Suhy, 2010; Paek, Nelson, & Vilela, 2011; Rivero, 2003), domesticity (Downs, 1981; Johnston & Swanson, 2003; Moseley & Read, 2002; Signorielli, 1982), romantic or other interpersonal relationships (Dundes, 2001; Lauzen et al., 2008; Peirce, 1997; Signorielli, 1982), and dependency on men (Paek et al., 2011). More recently, as more women have entered the workforce and as their professional contributions have gained more recognition, some media portrayals have changed to reflect both the increased presence and significance of women in the workforce (Lauzen et al., 2008). Similarly, more recent portrayals of female scientists in film and on television have changed to portray female scientists in an expanded array of professional roles that challenge traditional gender stereotypes that formerly relegated them to secondary roles subordinate to male scientists (Long, Steinke, Applegate, Knight Lapinski, Johnson, & Ghosh, 2010; Steinke 1997, 1999, 2005). Careful examination of media portrayals of female scientists is an important area of research because these portrayals provide portraits of women assuming roles that have been culturally defined as acceptable for women, while they simultaneously reflect, convey, and reinforce cultural assumptions about the role of women in society (Elena, 1997; LaFollette, 1988; Steinke, 2005).

Presenting positive portrayals of female scientists has been identified as a critical strategy for increasing the participation of women (Steinke, Applegate, Lapinski, Ryan, & Long, in press; Steinke et al., 2009; Steinke, Lapinski, Long, VanDerMaas, Ryan, & Applegate, 2009), a group that has historically been underrepresented, in the SET workforce (National Science Foundation, 2011). While the science and engineering workforce has grown at a rate faster than the total workforce in the United States over the last several decades, women remain underrepresented in science and engineering (National Science Foundation, 2011). Recent statistics indicate that males comprise 74% of employed US scientists and engineers while females comprise 26%, with minority females and males comprising small percentages of these totals (National Science Foundation, 2011). Greater participation of women and other underrepresented groups in science and engineering is needed to ensure a diverse workforce to provide more varied perspectives to develop new questions, approaches, practices, and interpretations (Congressional Commission on the Advancement of Women and Minorities in Science, Engineering, and Technology Development, 2000).

Scholarly research in the field of communication has investigated media portrayals of female scientists as presented in a variety of media. Early studies that focused on portrayals of female scientists included those that examined representations in magazines (LaFollette, 1988, 1990; Nelkin, 1987), children's television programs (LaFollette, 1981), and newspapers (Nelkin, 1987). In the late 1990s and early 2000s, research on portrayals of female scientists centered on depictions in a wider array of media including newspapers (Fursich & Lester, 1996; Shachar, 2000), children's television science programs (Long, Boiarsky, & Thayer, 2001; Steinke & Long, 1996), PBS television documentaries (Steinke, 1997), popular films (Flicker, 2003; Steinke, 1999, 2005), and websites (Steinke, 2004). More recent research has investigated portrayals in television programming most likely viewed by adolescents (Long et al., 2010) and has linked research on media content with audience studies related to young viewers' responses to portrayals of scientists, in general, and female scientists, in particular (Steinke et al., 2006; Steinke et al., 2007; Steinke et al., 2009; Steinke et al., in press). This line of research focused on the specific effects of these portrayals on young viewers' perceptions of science and scientists and their identification with scientist characters on television (Steinke et al., in press). The following sections of this chapter trace the underrepresentation and the gender stereotyping of female scientists in media portrayals appearing in newspapers, magazines, films, websites, and on television in the United States. The final section of this chapter focuses on more contemporary positive portrayals of female scientists on television and discusses the implications for developing young women's interest in scientific and technological careers.

Who's Working in the Lab? A Look at the Numbers

Numerous media content studies focused on portrayals of female scientists often began with a simple count to compare the number of male scientists with the number of female scientists. Overwhelmingly, most of these studies reached the same conclusion: male scientists outnumber female scientists in the mass media. Studies of a variety of media, with only few exceptions, repeatedly document a higher percentage of male scientists than female scientists or show them as completely absent from scientific laboratories.

Scholars who examined press coverage of scientists were among the first to document the greater number of male scientists than female scientists in magazines and newspapers published in the early to mid-1990s. In a historical analysis of mass-circulation US magazines published between 1910 and 1955, LaFollette (1988) noted that “fewer women than men acted as communicators of science” (p. 262). LaFollette attributed this difference partly to those who wrote the magazine articles. She added that female authors of women's magazines like Ladies' Home Journal were more likely to discuss science and medicine; however, magazines for a more general audience like Collier's or Harper's featured few science articles by female authors (LaFollette, 1988). She explained that few female scientists wrote for popular magazines, in part, because of the limited number of female scientists at that time. LaFollette (1988) noted: “The media visibility of female scientists was understandably affected by their relative invisibility within science, for the pool of potential female authors and biography subjects was small. Although the women's suffrage movement and employment shifts during World War I had attracted more women to the laboratories, neither the general status nor the power of women in science changed” (p. 264).

Studies of newspaper coverage of scientists yielded similar findings. Two analyses of the New York Times found more male than female scientists profiled in “Science Times” columns. An analysis of columns published in 1993 and 1994 noted that only 2 of the 11 scientists profiled were female scientists (Fursich & Lester, 1996). An analysis of columns published in 1996 and 1997 found female scientists were profiled in less than one-fourth of the profiles (Shachar, 2000). A more recent study of the “Science Times” examined coverage from 1980 to 2000 and found that only 16 out of 203 (7.9%) of scientists were women, and no women were explicitly classified as engineers (Clark & Illman, 2006).

Similar findings related to the underrepresentation of women scientists existed in UK press coverage. Research on portrayals of female scientists in press coverage from 12 national UK newspapers, including The Times, Guardian, Sunday Telegraph, and others, noted a greater percentage of male scientists than female scientists profiled (Chimba & Kitzinger, 2009). Of the 51 scientists in UK national press coverage, 84% of the scientists were male and 16% were female (Chimba & Kitzinger, 2009).

The dominance in the number of male scientists as compared to the number of female scientists occurred on the television screen as well. One of the early studies to examine gender differences in the number of televised scientists looked at television programs produced for children or shown during times when children would likely be viewing these programs (LaFollette, 1981). This study found that male scientists outnumbered female scientist characters by three to one. According to LaFollette, “Nothing actually prevents more major and minor scientist characters from being portrayed as women, other than the traditional male bias of the medium” (1981, p. 10).

Several other studies of television programs replicated and extended this early content study and documented the unequal representation of female scientists in children's television programming. Gender differences in representation also were found in children's educational science programs from the 1990s such as Mr. Wizard's World, Bill Nye the Science Guy, Beakman's World, and Newton's Apple where twice as many adult male scientists as adult female scientists were shown (Steinke & Long, 1996). The authors noted that the masculine image of science and of scientists as being male was further promoted by the titles of these programs: “The titles of three of these programs also suggest, either literally or figuratively, male possession or ownership of the world of science” (Steinke & Long, 1996, p. 107).

Some improvements in the representation of female scientists in children's television programming appeared to occur later. A slight increase in the representation of female scientists was found in children's educational programs from the mid-1990s (Long et al., 2001). This study noted that while two of the programs examined, Newton's Apple and Bill Nye the Science Guy, showed more adult males than adult female characters, the other two programs analyzed, Beakman's World and the Magic School Bus, did not (Long et al., 2001).

One of the most recent studies of television programs most likely to be watched by young adolescents once again indicated more male scientists than female scientists in the television programs analyzed (Long et al., 2010). Male scientists significantly outnumbered and appeared in significantly more scenes than did female scientists in 14 different television programs. These programs included Bill Nye the Science Guy, CSI, CSI: Miami, CSI: New York, Danny Phantom, Dexter's Laboratory, DragonflyTV, Friends, Kim Possible, MythBusters, Strange Days at Blake Holsey High, The Adventures of Jimmy Neutron: Boy Genius, The Simpsons, and The X-Files. Of the 196 scientist characters identified in this study, 113 (58%) were male and 83 (42%) were female. However, this study also noted that female and male scientist characters were more equally presented in educational television programs funded by the National Science Foundation than in the other television programs examined.

Like studies of children's television programming, a study of television programming content during prime time also found more male than female scientists. One study found three male scientists for every female scientist in prime-time dramas (Signorielli, 1993). This ratio was the same as the ratio found for children's television programming in the 1970s (LaFollette, 1981).

Not until the late 1990s did a study of a PBS documentary series note an exclusive focus on female scientists (Steinke, 1997). A study of television documentaries about science documented the dominance of male scientists in both number and time shown on screen for one of the documentaries examined. An analysis of an 8-hour PBS science series titled Evolution specifically reported differences in the amount of time female and male scientists appeared on screen when profiled in this series (Wagner & Caudill, 2003). Overall, female scientists were given only 62% of the airtime given to the male scientists. The authors found that female scientists were given 124 seconds of screen time while male scientists were given 200 seconds of screen time (Wagner & Caudill, 2003). However, the authors also examined a different 8-hour PBS science series titled The Shape of Life and found that both female and male scientists were shown on screen for an average of 175 seconds (Wagner & Caudill, 2003). In a separate study of the PBS documentary series Discovering Women, female scientists were noted to be the sole focus of these documentaries (Steinke, 1997).

In movie theaters and DVDs, the trends in representation echoed those found in the press and on television: male scientists outnumber female scientists. According to my study of popular films from 1991 and 2001 (Steinke, 2005), only 25 out of 74 films that identified scientists as lead characters showed female rather than male scientists and engineers as lead characters. When present, female scientists and engineers appeared in a variety of film genres including action-adventures, comedies, dramas, science fiction, and horror films. Some of the films in which female scientists and engineers were featured included Batman and Robin (1997), Contact (1997), Junior (1994), Jurassic Park (1993), Love Potion No. 9 (1992), Medicine Man (1992), Nell (1994), The Nutty Professor II: The Klumps (2000), Space Cowboys (2000), Species, (1995), Twister (1996), and others.

The findings of the many studies documenting the underrepresentation of female scientists in the mass media reflected trends in the underrepresentation of female scientists reported at US colleges and universities and in the workforce for over 20 years. Statistical information about the current status of US women scientists from the National Science Foundation noted that women still constitute a smaller percentage of those who receive degrees and are employed in science and engineering than they do in the US population (National Science Foundation, 2011). In the NSF report, Women, Minorities, and Persons with Disabilities in Science and Engineering: 2011, changes in women's representation from 1989 to 2008 were evident for some, but not all, science and engineering fields. For example, while women's participation has increased in the social sciences and biosciences, their participation compared with men is at medium to low levels in physical sciences and mathematics and at low levels in engineering and computer sciences (National Science Foundation, 2011). In addition, this report reveals that a higher percentage of female than male scientists were employed part time and cited family responsibilities as the primary reason for working part time (National Science Foundation, 2011).

Research on the representation of female scientists in US media appears to be of great importance in light of these statistics. Media images of scientists have the potential to influence public perceptions of scientists (Congressional Commission on the Advancement of Women and Minorities in Science, Engineering and Technology Development, 2000). Thus, more inclusive portrayals are needed to change stereotypical images and public attitudes about scientists, in order both to broaden and build a more competitive scientific and technological workforce, and to encourage and fully develop the potential of young women who can make important contributions in these fields' interpretations (Congressional Commission on the Advancement of Women and Minorities in Science, Engineering and Technology Development, 2000). The following sections of this chapter explore the varied representations of female scientists in media portrayals when they are presented.

Female Scientists in the Press: Extraordinary but Marginalized Scientist as well as a Good Wife and Mother

The earliest studies of media portrayals of female scientists examined coverage in newspapers and magazines. These studies of press portrayals of female scientists have found that images reflected conflicting societal perceptions of female scientists and views about the role of female scientists in the scientific workplace. The overall image of female scientists in the press presented female scientists as extraordinary but still subordinate to male scientists and still required to fulfill their domestic role.

Early portrayals of female scientists focused more on the unusualness of being a scientist and a woman, and prioritized female scientists' domestic abilities over their scientific abilities. In her analysis of depictions of female scientists in popular magazines in the early to mid-1900s, LaFollette (1988) argued that magazines created images of female scientists as “superstars” (p. 263), in part by featuring fewer female scientists than male scientists. According to LaFollette (1988), if not presented as “superstars,” female scientists were shown as subordinate assistants to male scientists. In either of these roles, female scientists were portrayed as relatively scarce and insignificant in the world of science.

The portrayals of female scientists in these magazine biographies focused on the hard work and sacrifices experienced by female scientists and suggested that women were more fulfilled through marriage and motherhood than through their work as scientists (LaFollette, 1988). Some of the magazine biographies of female scientists focused on their domestic qualities and showed them as lacking traditional masculine qualities needed to succeed in science such as “intellectual objectivity, physical strength, and emotional detachment” (LaFollette, 1988, p. 266). Some of the images in magazine articles even suggested that female scientists in the laboratory were a potential distraction for male scientists.

A study of newspaper and magazine coverage from the 1960s to the 1980s of female Nobel Prize winners noted portrayals of female scientists that perpetuated the view that being a scientist presented a conflict with being a mother (Nelkin, 1987). According to this study, “While successful male scientists appear in the press as above the mundane world and totally absorbed in their work, the few women laureates have a very different image” (Nelkin, 1987, p. 18). A photograph of a female scientist showed her in front of her kitchen stove, and articles commented on her domestic activities such as cleaning, cooking, and selling brownies for the PTA (Nelkin, 1987). Nelkin discussed the gender stereotypes conveyed by this type of coverage: “The overwhelming message in these popular press accounts is that the successful female scientist must have the ability to do everything – to be feminine, motherly, and to achieve as well” (Nelkin, 1987, p. 20).

A later study of magazine content noted a similar focus on the conflict between being a scientist and being a woman. A thematic analysis of magazine articles published after the release of the books written by two female scientists, Rachel Carson and Theo Colborn, documented the stereotypical images created of these two environmental activists. Magazine coverage of both Carson and Colborn marginalized their scientific status either by not identifying them as scientists or by focusing on their dual identities as women and scientists (Corbett, 2001). This study noted that the dominant image of Carson in the magazine articles since the publication of Silent Spring in 1962 portrayed her as a passionate and emotional woman and focused on her personal rather than professional life. Corbett (2001) wrote: “Numerous stories focused on Carson's marital status and personal style, references that were used to devalue her and dismiss her work” (p. 728). Most images of Carson were unflattering: “Until her death, the picture painted of her as a woman was of an emotional, rather unstable, and reclusive woman – not someone to whom the men of science needed to pay much attention” (p. 729). Articles in news magazines also labeled Silent Spring as inaccurate and emotional, further discrediting Carson's competence in science (Corbett, 2001). Only after Carson's work was legitimized did magazine articles begin to mention the masculine as well as feminine qualities she possessed (Corbett, 2001).

Magazine articles about Theo Colborn reiterated the images and themes noted in magazine articles about Rachel Carson. Magazine articles that appeared after the 1996 publication of Colborn's book, Our Stolen Future, were more likely to recognize her as a scientist; however, magazine articles also portrayed her as biased and conjecturing (Corbett, 2001).

Portrayals of female scientists in newspapers, like the portrayals in magazines, marginalized them by focusing on their feminine and domestic qualities. A textual analysis of the “Scientists at Work” columns of the “Science Times” sections of the New York Times from 1996 to 1997 examined the portrayals of the female scientists profiled in this column. This study noted the profiles of female scientists presented a “gendered frame for the story” that depicted these women as individuals with an unusual interest, mentioned challenges these women faced with work and family balance, and emphasized the domesticity of women (Shachar, 2000). Additionally, the lack of female scientists selected for profiles in the press treated them as tokens, further focusing on the underrepresentation of women in science (Shachar, 2000) and reinforcing cultural stereotypes of science as a male domain.

Gender differences also were found in a study comparing profiles of male and female scientists published in 12 national newspapers in the United Kingdom in 2006. This analysis found that age, parenthood, relationship status, and appearance as related to clothing, physique, and/or hairstyle were more likely to be mentioned in the newspaper profiles of female scientists (Chimba & Kitzinger, 2009). Chimba and Kitzinger noted that while these descriptions portrayed female scientists in ways that break free of some of the negative stereotypes of female scientists as unattractive and unfashionable, descriptions focused on femininity could have negative implications by drawing attention away from female scientists' professionalism and implying that they are using their sexuality to attract attention.

Female Scientists on Television: Moving Away from Marginalization and Subordination to A Lab of Her Own

Early studies of portrayals of female scientists on television primarily revealed images of them in marginalized and subordinate roles. “A Lab of Her Own? Portrayals of Female Characters on Children's Educational Science Programs” (Steinke & Long, 1996) was one of the first studies of children's educational science programs to document gender differences in the presentation of the professional status of scientist characters. Female characters in these television programs from the 1990s typically were cast in secondary roles of lower prestige in the scientific community and were often shown assisting a male lead scientist character; only one of these programs, Newton's Apple, featured a male actor sharing the lead scientist role with a female actor (Steinke & Long, 1996). Female scientist characters on these television programs were most often shown as apprentices, laboratory assistants, or science reporters. The authors argued that these images reflected and reinforced the cultural stereotype that promotes a masculine image of science and offered young female viewers few female role models with whom to identify. A study of similar children's educational science television programs from the mid-1990s noted more equitable portrayals of female and male scientists; female characters were as likely as male characters to be labeled as scientists and were accorded the same status (Long et al., 2001).

Public interest in increasing the representation of women in science, engineering, and technology led to television programs specifically created to promote positive images of female scientists. The PBS documentary Discovering Women, broadcast on PBS in the United States in 1995 and funded by the National Science Foundation, the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation, and the Intel Corporation, focused on depictions of professional female scientists. My analysis of this six-part series focused on the portrayals of female scientists in this series as related to three key issues: (1) expertise and competence, (2) balancing personal and professional responsibilities, and (3) experiences working in a male-dominated field (Steinke, 1997).

The portrayals of a physicist, biochemist, geophysicist, archaeologist, computational neuroscientist, and geneticist in Discovering Women shattered traditional stereotypes of female scientists. The female scientists featured in this PBS series were not only given prominent roles on television, but they also were featured in a primary role as lead scientists in prominent positions and as leaders in their respective fields, running their own research laboratories and directing their own research projects (Steinke, 1997). Comments from the narrator, colleagues, and the featured scientists in each episode accentuated the expertise of these female scientists, and the use of the individual voices of the female scientists in Discovering Women speaking about their scientific research was noted as one of the most powerful techniques for highlighting their expertise, competence, intelligence, determination, seriousness, resourcefulness, and enthusiasm for science (Steinke, 1997). The author argued that the frequent appearance of these female scientists in research laboratories asserted their equal position with male peers in the scientific community and dispelled the myth that science is a career that requires masculine traits and attributes.

The portrayals of female scientists in this documentary series provided depictions of them that countered many existing traditional stereotypes of female scientists as well as the stereotypical popular depictions of them conveyed by the media up until the late 1970s. The series' focus on providing realistic portrayals of the lives and experiences of female scientists, however, also highlighted the real challenges many of them faced balancing work and family. For example, I found that “Despite the strong emphasis on the women's strategies for balancing work and family responsibilities, the tension and frustration this issue brings into the lives of many of the female scientists surfaces in half of the episodes” (Steinke, 1997, p. 423). I noted that these media portrayals of female scientists did present the women as in control of the individual decisions they made to best support their professional and personal goals.

A recent study of 14 television programs popular or likely to be seen by young adolescent viewers noted several improvements in the portrayals of female scientists (Long et al., 2010). Specifically, after studying the following programs, Bill Nye the Science Guy, CSI, CSI: Miami, CSI: New York, Danny Phantom, Dexter's Laboratory, DragonflyTV, Friends, Kim Possible, MythBusters, Strange Days at Blake Holsey High, The Adventures of Jimmy Neutron: Boy Genius, The Simpsons, and The X Files, Long and her colleagues (2010) found that female and male scientist characters were equally likely to hold high-status positions as scientists. Although shown less frequently, the typical female scientist character in these programs was portrayed similarly to her male counterpart – she was an unmarried, Caucasian adult who did not have children, and was likely to be portrayed as intelligent (Long et al., 2010). This study noted some gender stereotyping of male scientists by portraying them more often with the masculine attribute of independence; however, both male and female scientist characters were equally likely to be shown exhibiting the masculine attributes of dominance and athleticism. This study documented the progress in counter-stereotypical media portrayals of female scientists as compared with earlier media portrayals.

Female Scientists on the Big Screen: Competent, Independent, and “Remarkably Beautiful”

An examination of 122 film biographies of scientists and inventors focused mostly on portrayals of the lives of male scientists (Elena, 1993). These biopics centered primarily on portrayals of women in the medical profession and featured in traditionally acceptable roles for women as nurses. Depictions of female nurses included biopics about Florence Nightingale, Edith Cavell, Elizabeth Kenny, and Margaret Sanger, and a couple of depictions of the first female doctors, Emily Barringer and Elizabeth Blackwell. Of the 122 film biographies analyzed, only 19 of these were female scientists, and 11 of these were female nurses (Elena, 1993, 1997). Elena (1993) noted that two of the few film biographies that featured female scientists were films about Marie Curie (the 1943 film Madame Curie and the 1991 film Marie Curie). Other film biographies about female scientists included the 1988 film Gorillas in the Mist, focused on female scientist Dian Fossey, and the 1983 film Silkwood, focused on the life of Karen Silkwood, a technician at a nuclear power plant (Elena, 1993).

In a more in-depth analysis of the 1943 film Madame Curie, Elena (1997) noted that in depictions of female scientists in the cinema, female scientists were “victims of filmmakers' discrimination” (Elena, 1997; p. 272). Elena emphasized that the stereotypes presented in films influenced public perceptions of scientists at the time. In the film, Marie Curie embodies an “awkward duality required for a female scientist” (Elena, 1997, p. 276) that centers attention on both her domestic life and her professional life. The film primarily focused on Marie Curie's romantic relationship with her husband, Pierre Curie, and was created to be a love story centered on their relationship (Elena, 1997). According to Elena (1997), the stereotype of female scientists as research assistants subordinate to male scientists is perpetuated in the film's portrayal of Marie Curie as her aspirations are shown as secondary to those of her husband Pierre, and reinforces “feminine subordination” (p. 271). While at times the film portrayed Marie Curie as a devoted wife and mother, she also was portrayed as a female scientist of “exceptional talent” (Elena, 1997, p. 272), possessing great self-control and who was unemotional. Elena argued that the film consistently reinforces the “surprise at the phenomenon of a woman scientist” (p. 275).

My case study of the 1997 Warner Bros.' film Contact focused on the portrayal of a female scientist in a lead role in the film (Steinke, 1999). As the film depicted the professional career of a young female scientist, Dr. Eleanor (Ellie) Arroway, it dispelled traditional stereotypes of female scientists by depicting Ellie in a high-status professional position as the director of a scientific research team and by presenting her as a competent, determined, persistent, talented, and committed scientist. This media representation of a female scientist, however, also highlighted the real challenges, frustrations, discrimination, and disappointments that many professional female scientists face (Handelsman et al., 2005).

The focus on the romantic lives of female scientists noted in both historical and contemporary media portrayals of female scientists also was noted in the film Contact. However, unlike the findings from previous analyses of films, like Elena's study (1997) of Madame Curie, my study noted that depictions of the female scientist lead character did show Ellie Arroway abandoning her career or allowing her personal romantic relationship to overshadow her scientific aspirations (Steinke, 1999). In addition, I noted the significance of portrayals like that of Ellie Arroway in Contact that present a female scientist as a role model. I specifically pointed out the last scene of the film in which Ellie is shown talking to a group of children about her research, providing a positive and counter-stereotypical image of female scientists.

Films have provided a wide array of portrayals of female scientists, although most of these have been stereotypical. A study of the image of female scientists in 60 feature films from 1929 to 1997 found six different stereotypical portrayals of female scientists (Flicker, 2003). These images depicted female scientists as the old maid (Spellbound, USA, 1945), the male woman (Andromeda Strain, USA, 1970), the naïve expert (The Lost World: Jurassic Park, USA, 1997), the evil plotter (Indiana Jones: The Last Crusade, USA, 1989), the daughter or assistant (Torn Curtain, USA, 1966), and the lonely heroine (Contact, USA, 1997) (Flicker, 2003). This study noted that more recent films portrayed female scientists as “remarkably beautiful” (Flicker, 2003, p. 315) lonely heroines. Flicker (2003) explained: “She has outstanding qualifications and her competence outclasses the men. She is possibly the most competent scientist in her special area. She is a modern, emancipated woman. She finds it natural to move within a male environment, and accordingly, she also has appropriated some male traits. Her greatest (or only) interest is her scientific research” (p. 315). This image of female scientists mirrored earlier representations of them found in press coverage of female scientists that depicted them as extraordinary scientists. However, this image also offered a departure from the many depictions of female scientists found on television that portrayed them as subordinate to and less competent than male scientists.

My textual analysis of 23 popular films from 1991 to 2001 examined portrayals of female scientists and engineers cast as primary characters in these films (Steinke, 2005). My analysis focused on the following recurrent themes in these portrayals of female scientists: appearance; characterization; expertise, ability, and authority; work versus romance; and work and family life balance. I found that as symbolic models that serve as sources of information about female scientists, the portrayals in these popular films reinforced cultural norms related to femininity. Glamour, attractiveness, popularity, youth, and romance were dominant themes noted in these portrayals (Steinke, 2005). However, these stereotyped portrayals also were balanced by more realistic representations that also showed female characters in professional positions of high prestige in the scientific workforce. Some of the portrayals emphasized the overt and subtle forms of stereotyping and discrimination female scientists face working in male-dominated fields:

I concluded that these portrayals, although realistic, may focus on the challenges of being a female scientist and thus threaten girls' identification with the character and undermine their future interest in science and engineering careers (Steinke, 2005).

Female Scientists in Cyberspace: Gains in Professional Status Yet Challenges with Bias and Work/Family Balance

The proliferation of educational intervention programs to encourage girls' interest in science across the United States in the late 1990s and continuing through the present date has provided a new source of media images of female scientists on the Internet. My analysis of science and engineering websites for girls (Steinke, 2004) noted the new source of easily accessed images of female scientists and engineers available online and the potential opportunity for providing vicarious contact with role models of female scientists. Across the 27 websites identified and analyzed, 168 biographies of female scientists and engineers provided information about these women and presented images of them that focused on their work as professional scientists and engineers. I found that many of the biographies, specifically those sponsored by universities and scientific companies, featured positive images of female scientists and engineers, showing them as successful professionals who had received encouragement from their families, presenting portrayals of them in positions of high prestige in the scientific community, and describing specific strategies they have used to successfully balance work and family commitments (Steinke, 2004).

While many of these portrayals of female scientists and engineers in the website biographies presented positive images, some portrayals mentioned challenges with gender discrimination experienced both within and outside the scientific community (Steinke, 2004). I discussed the potential effects of these images on girls' perceptions of female scientists and scientific careers and the importance of media images that show women working successfully in scientific fields and competently combining work and family roles.

Conclusions

Historically when female scientists have appeared in the mass media, they have often been underrepresented and depicted in ways that have marginalized their contributions and have perpetuated cultural myths about science as an inappropriate career for most “ordinary” women (LaFollette, 1988, 1990). Media portrayals of female scientists have reinforced gender stereotypes through images that downplay female scientists' expertise (Corbett, 2001; LaFollette, 1981, 1988, 1990; Nelkin, 1987; Steinke & Long, 1996), focus on the conflicts involved in balancing women's professional and personal lives (LaFollette, 1988, 1990; Nelkin, 1987), show women in professional roles as subordinate to male supervisors (Steinke & Long, 1996), suggest female scientists are a potential distraction to male scientists (LaFollette, 1988), and feature women and men interacting in ways that reveal both overt and subtle forms of stereotyping and discrimination against women (Steinke, 2005).

The absence of positive media portrayals of female scientists and the continued presentation of gender-stereotyped portrayals of female scientists serve to reinforce and maintain the myth of science as a masculine domain (Kelly, 1985). Studies of school-aged children reveal that over the years, children continue to report gender-stereotyped perceptions of scientists (see review in Steinke et al., 2007). Using the Draw-A-Scientist Test (DAST), these studies noted that when asked to draw a picture of a scientist, children often depicted a White male scientist, similar to the predominant image of scientists they see on television (Long et al., 2010; Steinke & Long, 1996). These findings suggest the influence of the “symbolic annihilation” (Tuchman, 1978) of female scientists in the media and its influence on girls' perceptions of female scientists, and possibly even on their interest in science careers. When girls do not see women scientists or when they are exposed to only negative stereotypes of women scientists in the media, they may even feel effects of “stereotype threat” (Davies, Spencer, Quinn, & Gerhardstein, 2002, p. 1615) that lead them to question their competence and to view science careers as incompatible and unachievable.

Over time, media portrayals of female scientists in some media outlets have become more varied and less stereotyped; however, female scientists are still under-represented in many types of media. The most noticeable change that has been evident in these portrayals has been noticed in the professional status of female scientists. Many contemporary media portrayals of female scientists, particularly in film and in popular television drama programs, have been more likely to show women as the primary scientists leading a team of researchers or lead investigators rather than as research assistants or subordinates. These depictions of female scientists in an expanded array of professional roles challenge traditional gender stereotypes that formerly placed female scientists almost exclusively in secondary roles subordinate to male scientists.

Another change noted in media depictions of female scientists, particularly for those who appear on television and in film, is the focus on glamour and attractiveness of female scientists. These depictions may help dispel popular stereotypes of scientists as geeky and unattractive, and may do much to encourage more girls to consider science careers. However, these depictions reinforce a cultural emphasis on beauty for women. These images can also degrade female scientists by focusing on beauty rather than ability. Another significant change in portrayals has been a shift in focus on the domestic work of female scientists as wives and mothers to either few or no mentions of domestic work or parenthood. This lack of focus on work and family in portrayals of female scientists provides more equal treatment as compared with portrayals of male scientists, but showing few or no working mothers in scientific workplaces also may convey a more subtle message that balancing work and family is not an attainable goal for female scientists.

Previous research has noted that it is unlikely that just one factor accounts for the underrepresentation of women in science, but rather, as one researcher states, it is a “complex interaction of factors that tend to push girls and women away” (Blickenstaff, 2005, p. 383). The public image of scientists has been singled out as an important factor in understanding the attitudes girls develop about careers in science (Congressional Commission on the Advancement of Women and Minorities in Science, Engineering and Technology Development, 2000). Cultural representations that present science as a masculine domain may lead girls to develop gender schemas that create a masculine image of science (Baker & Leary, 1995; Kelly, 1985; Maoldomhnaigh & Hunt, 1988). When girls label science careers as masculine, they may automatically exclude themselves from educational and professional opportunities in these areas (Lee, 1998). Cultural representations that present science as masculine domains also may lead boys to develop gender schemas that promote attitudes that keep them from seeing women as capable science professionals (Steinke et al., 2006). These attitudes contribute to the documented challenges women scientists have reported with unconscious institutional bias that has led to instances of covert discrimination (Handelsman et al., 2005) and subtle forms of bias in scientific workplaces (Gunter & Stamach, 2005).

It is clear that continued analysis of media portrayals of female scientists is critical for better understanding popular perceptions of the role of women in science and for challenging stereotyped assumptions about the role of women in society. Understanding the social influences of the inclusion and portrayals of female scientists in the media is important for developing all students', and in particular female students', interest in scientific careers. It will take ongoing examination of the array of portrayals of female scientists presented in both traditional and newly emergent forms of media in order to determine how positive images of female scientists can best promote future interest in science careers and how these images can better reflect the contributions of women in science.

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