Chapter 14
In This Chapter
Taking in the prime minister
Looking at cabinet responsibilities
Meeting the bigwig cabinet members
Moving things around in the cabinet
This is the chapter to read if you want to know about the real bigwigs in British politics – the ministers and the prime minister – whose decisions affect your daily life, propel the economy into boom or bust, and even send soldiers to war.
The prime minister and cabinet are at the very pinnacle of British politics and in this chapter I explain why they’re so powerful and how they run the government day in, day out.
Whoever is prime minister (PM) is the most important person in British politics: the big cheese, the head honcho, the main man or woman – you get the idea!
The PM wields so much power for a whole host of reasons, including that the PM
As you can probably imagine, just one of the many jobs a PM has to do would be more than enough for most individuals to cope with. The PM often has to work long hours and is always in the public eye, with his slightest move causing comment. In some ways, being the PM resembles being a major celebrity but without the option of selling your wedding photos. Seriously, though, the job of PM is exhausting and deeply taxing and a few of the people who reach this pinnacle aren’t always up to the task.
The PM lives and works in 10 Downing Street. From the outside, Number 10 seems little more than a grand Georgian terrace house – which it is – but behind its famous black door exists an inordinate amount of office space. In fact, the PM’s residence resembles Doctor Who’s TARDIS – small on the outside, cavernous on the inside. The PM doesn’t live and work at 10 Downing Street full time. As a perk of the job, he gets the use of a country estate called Chequers, at which to entertain visiting world leaders.
Only one person can be PM at any one time and the job doesn’t change hands that often. In fact, since 1979 we’ve had only five prime ministers. With the thousands of politicians around the UK, the odds of becoming PM are very long indeed. For well over a century all the PMs have followed this path:
The monarch appoints the prime minister, but in reality the monarch has little choice. By a convention of Britain’s unwritten constitution, the monarch must appoint a PM capable of rallying a majority of MPs in the House of Commons. As such, the leader of the largest political party in the House of Commons usually gets the job.
Usually, the PM leads the political party that has the majority of MPs in the House of Commons. However, in 2010 no party achieved an overall majority. As a result, the leaders of the two biggest parties, by the number of seats gained at the election, negotiated with the leadership of the third biggest party – the Lib Dems – for support in forming an effective government. After five days of tense negotiation, the Lib Dems said that they would support the Conservatives, led by David Cameron. This support meant that Cameron could secure a majority in the Commons and the queen then asked him to form the coalition government.
The PM is supposed to be primus inter pares, which means ‘first among equals’. The PM is first because he heads up the government and is the face that the electorate knows best, but equal because he chairs the cabinet rather than telling it what to do.
Some PMs take a dictatorial approach to the job but even they know that they’re not untouchable. The power of the PM is built on powerful pillars, but through political misjudgements or bad luck these pillars can crumble away over time and the power base of a PM can erode. In fact, even the most successful PMs last little more than a decade in modern times and many have to high-tail it out of 10 Downing Street much sooner. Someone once said that all great political careers end in failure and that’s especially true for the PM.
Some of the ways the PM can have their power constrained or simply find themselves out of a job include
The cabinet is a group of the top politicians from the ruling political party and its members are called government ministers. The PM can bring anyone he wants into the cabinet but generally he selects ministers from the ranks of MPs of the governing party in the House of Commons. The odd lord finds his way into the cabinet but these days convention dictates that it’s best if elected politicians rather than peers take the top jobs in government.
The job of the cabinet is to decide what policies the government will pursue, and after it decides on a policy it’s up to whichever minister is overseeing the pursuit of the policy to report back to the cabinet on progress. The PM chairs the cabinet and, with the help of the cabinet secretary and senior civil servants, he decides what the cabinet discusses at its weekly meetings. The number of politicians sitting in the cabinet tends to vary. Not all ministers sit in the cabinet, but certain officials, such as chancellor of the exchequer or health secretary, automatically sit in the cabinet by constitutional convention. Ultimately, though, the PM decides which ministers sit in on cabinet meetings.
The cabinet has its own secretary. Now this person’s job isn’t taking notes, booking meeting rooms and ensuring all the ministers have sufficient tea or coffee. Cabinet secretary is one of the most senior civil service jobs in the country. The cabinet secretary runs the Cabinet Secretariat, which provides vital administrative support services for cabinet committees, ensures decisions are consistent across government, monitors how well ministries are following through on government policy, and circulates minutes from meetings of cabinet and cabinet committees.
The PM isn’t the only big mover and shaker in cabinet; several other posts within government carry with them enormous power. Some ministerial jobs carry more clout and power than others.
Even the PM has to tread carefully around certain cabinet members. These figures carry political weight – what they say and do normally attracts considerable attention in the media and among commentators, who refer to them, not entirely flatteringly, as the big beasts. A minister’s big beast status depends on whether he
A minister can hold high office but not be a big beast because he doesn’t have a high public profile or wide popularity in the party – and the converse is also true. Have a high office, a strong public profile and a following in the party, however, and you’re definitely a big beast.
Outside of the great offices of state around another 30 ministers attend cabinet meetings, which are held once a week on a Thursday. Some of these ministers are called cabinet ministers because they’re expected to attend every meeting. These include
In addition, several cabinet posts exist that may not mean that much – chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster and parliamentary secretary to the Treasury come to mind. PMs often give these positions to the people who act as chief whips for the party in the Commons or House of Lords.
Other ministers attend cabinet meetings when those present are likely to discuss their particular area of concern, either directly or indirectly. The cabinet secretary lets the individual minister know when he’s expected to attend cabinet meetings. For example, the housing minister isn’t actually a cabinet minister, but whenever a matter likely to touch on housing is on the cabinet’s agenda, along comes the housing minister.
Apart from the housing minister, the following ministers get to attend cabinet meetings occasionally:
A seat in cabinet comes with certain responsibilities – work that the minister is expected to perform for the government. The PM decides who will and won’t be a member of the cabinet, and if the minister fails to live up to the responsibilities, the PM’s likely to sack or demote him at cabinet reshuffle time.
Ministers are supposed to act according to the catchily named ministerial code, which states that ‘decisions reached by the cabinet are binding on all members of the government’. In short, this means that ministers can disagree with each other as much as they want behind closed doors – and they often do – but after the collective voice of the cabinet has spoken (if the cabinet’s taken a vote or reached a majority agreement), it’s time to get into line.
This concept of public unity is called collective cabinet responsibility and is meant to ensure the government seems united in the eyes of the electorate and speaks with one voice. It supposedly makes government action more effective as well.
Collective cabinet responsibility is close to the heart of PMs because it means that the government can be seen as acting in unison and the electorate likes to think it’s governed by people who have a clear purpose. However, often collective responsibility, while not fully breaking down, does become a little frayed. Ministers don’t publicly disagree with cabinet policies, but they get friends and advisers to talk to journalists to let them know what their real feelings are. The media then reposts this dissent but attributes it to an anonymous source. (This is called briefing and is an everyday occurrence at Westminster.)
As well as a responsibility to their colleagues, cabinet ministers are also responsible for their own ministry. A minister is thus expected to do the following:
In recent times the convention that ministers are responsible for the actions of their civil servants and that, ultimately, they should resign if these mistakes come to light has gone a little by the wayside. Under PMs Tony Blair and Gordon Brown ministers have no longer resigned under such circumstances, although Conservative leader David Cameron has argued that they should.
Many of the big government policy decisions are no longer taken by full meetings of the cabinet. Instead, the PM selects a few ministers – often no more than four or five – to sit on small committees whose job it is to form government policy and then present their work to the PM and the cabinet. Obviously, these cabinet committees are hugely important.
The PM forms committees because they work more quickly than the full cabinet, mainly as a result of involving far fewer members, and they’re quick to set up and abolish, making them very flexible. At any one time generally between 8 and 15 cabinet committees are operating to review important policy areas.
Some ministers sit on several committees at once. Over some topics, the PM has face-to-face meetings with a minister to thrash out policy in his area. This approach was a popular method of government for Labour PM Gordon Brown.
Politics can be brutal, particularly near the top of government. Becoming a cabinet minister can take years of hard work and political manoeuvring, but careers can be cut short on the decision of the PM or through having to resign. In addition, new politicians move into cabinet and ministers move into different jobs, all at the behest of the PM. As a result, the membership of the cabinet rarely stays the same for very long.
Some suggest these movements are disruptive to the operation of government and that we need politicians in post for a long time so that they can see government policy through properly (and some cabinet members do stay in the same job for years on end). Others suggest that disruptions reduce complacency – with no job-for-life mentality – and keep ministers on their toes.
Political careers that look destined for the top crash and burn in double-quick time. Even at the top of government, powerful ministers can be happily ensconced in their ministries one minute and out of office and on the backbenches in the Commons the next.
This fall from grace can be sparked by a sacking from cabinet by the PM – see ‘Shifting the seats: Cabinet reshuffles’ next – but it can also result from the minister resigning.
Now, unlike you and I, who probably resign to go on to a better job elsewhere, ministers who resign do so because of a political or personal issue that dictates that they simply have to go. Some ministers fall on their own sword – resign of their own accord – and others are persuaded to do so by the PM or his advisers.
Ministers take the long walk off a very short political pier for three reasons:
Once a year, generally, the PM looks to bring new people into the cabinet and get rid of those he sees as not up to the job. The PM may also promote those he sees as especially loyal, while offloading those he sees as potential future leadership challengers.
Cabinet reshuffles are big occasions in UK politics and journalists love them because they’re an opportunity to gossip about which ministers are going up or down. The PM’s advisers often brief prominent journalists about which minister is likely to go where, or sometimes suggest that a particular minister is close to getting the boot so as to keep that individual on his toes.
On the day of a cabinet reshuffle, the PM calls or sees in person all the ministers he wants to promote or remove. Waiting to see what the PM will do is extremely nerve-wracking for ministers and their advisers. Some political careers virtually come to an end on reshuffle day.
The move became known as the Night of the Long Knives and, although a bold step, it didn’t have the desired effect. A short time afterwards Macmillan stepped down as PM on medical grounds but by then his savage cabinet reshuffle had led to him losing the confidence of many of his own MPs and cabinet.
One of the biggest changes in modern British politics is the rise of the special adviser. A special adviser is someone – often a journalist or expert – whose job it is to advise the minister or, in some cases, the PM. He may have particular expertise or just be a long-standing, trusted confidante of the minister in question. Regardless, special advisers have an enormous behind-the-scenes influence on government policy and, in particular, its presentation in the media and to the wider public. (Chapter 10 explores the role of the special adviser, particularly in relation to media manipulation.) During the daily cut and thrust of government a special adviser acts as gatekeeper for the minister, as well as a trusted sounding board and expert. The government of Tony Blair saw a huge explosion in special advisers in Whitehall. Blair alone had upwards of 50 special advisers, whereas the previous PM, John Major, had a mere 8.
Most government ministers have a shadow. A shadow refers to an MP from an opposition party whose job it is to put across what policies that party would do if it were in office.
So, when the secretary of state for health sets out a new policy on hospital treatment, his shadow will reveal what the opposition party would do about reforming hospital treatment if elected or simply point out what he sees as the failings in the government policy.
The shadow cabinet is supposed to be a government in waiting and meets regularly in the House of Commons to plan strategy. A shadow cabinet
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