7 Leaving the Family

In previous chapters we have explored family issues such as divorce and family environment that affect outcomes for adolescents. In this chapter we discuss some of the many contexts and reasons that adolescents may leave the family home.

An important goal of parenting is to raise independent adults who can cope in society and live fruitful lives even after they leave home. Although only a minority of adolescents leave home in their teens, striving for independence and autonomy is central to this stage of life. Leaving home has been considered a developmental indicator, as young people leave their families to live independently and establish their sense of independence and separateness from the family (Seiffge-Krenke, 2006). Late adolescence is particularly the time when many young people and their parents are thinking about adolescents’ future adult lives. The circumstances and reasons that lead to adolescents leaving the home have multiple implications for the individual adjustment and development of the child, for the parents’ adjustment to the transition and for parent-child relationships (Hussong & Chassin, 2002).

7.1 Emerging Adulthood, Delayed Transitions and Leaving Home

Pathways to independence have changed dramatically over the past several decades. Due to the changing workforce and government policy, adolescents’ expectations of leaving the parental home are often delayed until their mid twenties or longer. In Australia in 2001, 59% of all youth were living with parents, which is due in part to the trend toward longer education and the delay in first marriage and financial independence (Australian Bureau of Statistics website). Many adolescents are financially dependent on their parents, and often children do not become fully financially independent until their mid to late twenties (Schneider, 2000). As mentioned in Chapter 2, there is more ambiguity around the transition between adolescence and adulthood than was true for previous generations (Arnett, 2000).

Arnett (2000) indicates that emerging adults are unique in that their current life stage is the least able to be categorised. For most age groups there is a lot of variability and therefore few generalisations can be made about what is happening in individuals’ lives, in terms of whether they are at school, married or have children. Living arrangements are a key component of the diversity for emerging adults. For example, living arrangements for this age group can be, living as a married couple, cohabiting, living in shared households or college dormitories, or living at home, or a mixture of several arrangements and, of course, moving in and out of the family home (Arnett, 2000; 2004).

Given the changes that have occurred, many families live in this transition period with their late adolescent/emerging adult for an unspecified time. The timing of adolescents’ independent living arrangements is also affected by family functioning, family stability, social class and ethnicity (Seiffge-Krenke, 2006). It appears that the patterns of children moving out of the family home become more predictable once they reach their mid twenties (Arnett, 2000).

Whereas some young people stay in the family home while they complete their education, many leave home to live with friends or partners, or move to a college in a different city as tends to happen in the US. Family conflict and dysfunction can also drive young people to leave the family; in some cases, they may even leave to live on the streets (Pears & Noller, 1995). Although some adolescents may actively decide to move from the family home to cohabitation or marriage, others slide into these relationships (Stanley, Rhoades & Markman, 2006). In this day and age it is clear that the vast majority of young people cohabit before marriage; the implications of this situation for their future relational stability will be discussed later.

7.2 Family Structure and Leaving Home

Adolescent boys and girls from single-parent families have been found to leave home early more often than those from two-parent families (Cooney & Mortimer, 1999) and girls from single-parent families are more likely to cohabit and to give birth outside of marriage (McLanahan & Bumpass, 1988; Miller, 2002). Also children of divorced parents and children living in families with a step-parent have been found to leave home earlier due to conflict within the home than do children whose parents do not divorce (Jansen, 2001).

A decline in the quality of family relationships in step-parent families appears to be a reason why children from these families leave earlier. The finding that children living in stepfamilies leave home earlier has been supported in studies conducted in a number of western countries (e.g. Australia, New Zealand and Great Britain; Cartwright, 2005). Once children leave the homes of their stepfamilies they often have more distant patterns of engagement with those families. Young people from step-families who are living away from home tend to live further away from the family, have less frequent contact and give and receive less family support (White, 1994).

Cartwright (2005) has pointed out that there are a number of important things that parents can do to decrease the likelihood of issues arising for their children when they want to bring a new partner into the home. Based on her interview study with children, parents and therapists, she suggest that: 1) parents develop the relationship slowly so that children can become used to the notion of a new family member; 2) parents ensure that they spend time alone with their children so that they see that their parent’s interest and concern for them has not changed; 3) the step-parent develops a relationship with the children and supports the parent’s discipline, rather than discipline themselves; and 4) the step-parent actively seek to avoid a conflict with the child’s other parent and household. (See also Chapter 5)

Adolescents receive more support from fathers when their parents remain married than do adolescents whose parents are not married to each other. Over time these adolescents from continually-married families report more satisfaction with their fathers after they themselves have left home than do those whose fathers are no longer married to their mothers (Levitt, Silver & Santos, 2007).

Parental financial support is important for adolescents as they make the transition into emerging adulthood and independent living. Step-parents and the remarried natural parents of children tend to be less positive about providing financial support to their transitioning child or children than are continually married parents (Aquilino, 2005). Also, single parents are less likely to view financial support of their oldest adolescent positively, but this situation appears to change over time with single-parents becoming more positive about providing monetary resources to their children over time perhaps because their resources may improve over time.

Aquilino (2005) found that step-parent families were more likely to give financial aid to the children of first marriages if they also had a biological child in common. As Aquilino suggests, this situation would be influenced by the perception or reality of limited resources that many single parents have, the poorer family relationships that often exist in stepfamilies and a belief that the other biological parent has prime responsibility. Financial support can be crucial to young people and can be instrumental in their ability to continue their education. A lack of such support may drive them into the workforce before they are ready, a situation that could lessen their chances for future success (Aquilino, 1999).

7.3 Family Relationships and Leaving Home

Adolescents who leave home at a younger age usually do so because of problems within the family, and they are likely to experience greater adjustment problems than those who leave later in their development (Hussong & Chassin, 2002). Young people in their late teens and early 20’s have reported family conflict as a reason for moving to a cohabiting relationship with their partners (Sassler, 2004). Good relationships with parents are an important support that enables young women to avoid forming their own romantic relationship earlier than is desirable or experiencing a teen pregnancy (Amato, Landale, Havasevich-Brooks, Booth, Eggebeen, Schoen & McHale, 2008; see also Chapter 6).

Levitt and colleagues (2007) found that support from parents was associated with positive relationships with parents after leaving home, particularly if young people were transitioning out of home to go to college. These positive relationships contributed to adolescent adjustment after the transition out of the family home as measured by self-esteem and mood (i.e. how depressed or unhappy the adolescents rated themselves). Adolescents whose parents provide them with less support as they move out of the family home may find the transition more difficult and experience poorer adjustment.

Alcoholic parents often have difficulty in supporting their children’s development and transitions. Children of alcoholic parents are more likely to have difficulty leaving home and when they do, this process can involve more conflict and less likelihood of planning and discussion with parents. These children also tend to feel less positive about leaving home and are likely to have left home at a younger age than children of parents who were not alcoholic. Such adolescents may believe they cannot leave because their parents need their support or alternatively may not feel confident about managing this transition on their own without the support of their parents. On the other hand, some adolescents may leave early because of the need to escape the home environment (Hussong & Chassin, 2002).

7.4 Leaving Home for College

Continuing education is currently seen as a positive direction for adolescents, so that they are assured of good future prospects (Amato et al., 2008). Many adolescents leave home to attend college or university, especially in the USA. Although this can be an exciting time, such transitions also involve challenges and stress. These young people need to move to apartments, dormitories and other shared living environments, where they will have to be self-sufficient without the direct support of their families or usual social networks (Bernier, Larose & Whipple, 2005; Holmstrom, Karp & Gray, 2002).

In an interview study, Holmstrom and colleagues (2002) interviewed high school seniors from upper-middle class families, who were preparing to leave home for college. Although excited, these young people were not focused on academic expectations, but rather talked about their uncertainty and fears about the move. They raised issues around how they would cope with everyday tasks, such as laundry, budgeting, managing family ties and making new friends. Many held concerns about the attractiveness or otherwise of the campus, having to share with other students and leaving their own bedrooms at home. These adolescents spoke of enthusiasm for being away from parental control whilst at the same time being concerned their parents would not be there to look after them. Some students referred to the transition as a “test of independence” and expressed fears about being able to manage. The necessity for ongoing support from parents was also raised by these young people. It appears that young people are ultimately aware they need to know their parents are there for them when they need advice.

Beasley, Hackett and Maxwell (2004) compared the dietary habits of college students in the UK. They compared students who lived at home with those who lived independently. They found that the quality of the diet of adolescents living at home was likely to be worse than those living independently. Perhaps young people living at home have more financial resources through their parents to snack and consume convenience foods and takeaways. On the other hand, the young people living at home tended to smoke and drink alcohol less. Parents may see the monitoring and support of healthy behaviours in relation to smoking cigarettes and consuming alcohol as more important than worrying about their adolescents’ eating habits.

Although leaving home for college to begin this phase of their independent lives can be seen as a normal progression, many adolescents experience homesickness and distress. Adolescents who have secure family attachments may fare better during this transition than those who experience more insecure attachments with parents (Bernier et al., 2005). The quality of parent-adolescent relationships is of crucial importance to how well adolescents cope with leaving home, even when leaving involves undertaking what is generally considered a positive step.

7.5 Leaving Home for the Military

Mayseless (2004) conducted a study of 18-year-old males from Israel who were finishing high school and leaving home to perform their mandatory three-year military service. This transition can be stressful and is distinct from leaving home for college as there is no choice involved, either for parents or the adolescent males. While these adolescents were in the process of developing their attachment to friends and girlfriends, they still saw their parents as their main source of security. Mayseless found that young males who had a fear of abandonment reported poorer adjustment and young males who had a fear of closeness indicated better adjustment to this transition. She suggests that perhaps having a fear of closeness may be suited to military life, as in this situation emotion and seeking closeness is not expected, possibly quite the reverse.

In another study of young males in Israel leaving home to commence their military service, Scharf, Mayseless & Kivenson-Baron (2004) looked at the coping skills and development of the adolescents over time. These researchers looked at how the young men were coping with the transition from home, their development in mature relationships with peers and family and their confidence in their abilities and their individuality. Young men who were secure, or confident in themselves and their relationships, coped better with basic training than did those who were dismissing of relationships and closeness. (See Chapter 2 on attachment theory) At the end of basic training, the secure young men were doing better than the dismissing young men in their relationships with parents and peers. No differences were found for the level of individuation between the secure or dismissing young men, although the secure young men seemed more able to take advantage of opportunities, such as undertaking leadership roles that enhanced their development and individuality.

7.6 Leaving Home to Marry or Cohabit

There have been trends toward cohabitation, rather than marriage, over the past few decades. According to the Bureau of Statistics, in Australia, 76% of people who married in 2006 indicated that they had cohabited prior to their marriage, of these 53% of males and 55% of females aged under 19 who married indicated that they had cohabited before marrying. In 2001, 10% of all young people aged 16 to 19 were in live-in relationships, with the majority of these (63%) in defacto or cohabiting contexts (Australian Bureau of Statistics). It has been consistently found that couples who cohabit before marriage are more likely to divorce (Martin, Martin & Martin, 2001), particularly if they are not committed to the partner before living together.

Adolescents who have goals of higher education and more definite plans for their futures may be less likely to cohabit than those who are uncertain about their futures (Manning, Longmore & Giordano, 2007). Parents’ roles in such decision-making are important and their relationships with their adolescents and support for their children’s higher education choices greatly assist young people to make plans, feel confident about those plans and attain their goals (Berrios-Allison, 2005; Keller & Whiston, 2008).

Martin and colleagues (2001) discuss adolescent cohabitation and attitudes to marriage. These authors reflect upon the information that indicates that cohabitation is more accepted than in previous generations and that young people can see it as an option in itself or a way to test out relationships before the commitment of marriage. Some young people may be choosing to cohabit as they see the conflict between their parents and want to ensure their own relationships will be stable before they marry. Also some young people may learn greater acceptance of cohabitation through their experience of their parents’ marital breakdown and subsequent new partnerships that may involve sexual relations outside of marriage and/or cohabitation. On the other hand, it has been found that adolescents are not rejecting marriage. In a study of adolescents’ expectations to marry or cohabit, Manning and colleagues (2007) found that more girls than boys and a greater proportion of young people in general indicated an expectation that they would marry. Further, about one quarter of the adolescents in this study indicated that they expected to marry without prior cohabitation.

Although some young people may be attempting to test out relationships through cohabitation, the data do not generally support the idea that cohabiting before marriage is a good predictor of marital success. Couples who cohabit before marriage are 50 percent more likely to divorce than those who do not cohabit (Martin et al., 2001). There is evidence, however, that the timing of cohabitation is important. Those couples who cohabited before becoming engaged (that is, who used cohabitation as a test before committing to each other) were more likely to have lower marital satisfaction and greater potential for divorce than those who cohabited after engagement (Rhoades, Stanley & Markman, 2009). In seeking to understand this cohabitation effect, Cohan and Kleinbaum (2002) compared couples in their first two years of marriage who had or had not cohabited. Differences were found between the two groups, with those who had cohabited before marriage being more negative in their problem-solving and displaying fewer supportive behaviours than those who had not cohabited before marriage.

Adolescents may not be prepared for such adult relationships and may make the mistakes they are trying to avoid; certainly many will not be prepared for parenthood (Martin et al., 2001). Young women with strong religious values are less likely to engage in sexual relationships at an early age, cohabit or give birth outside of marriage (Amato, et al., 2008). Also adolescents with religious values indicate that they are more likely to marry and not cohabit beforehand (Manning et al., 2007). Amato and colleagues (2008) found that young women who had good relationships with their parents, had good school experiences and high self-esteem did not slide into early family formation or childbirth.

The transition to parenthood is a major life experience for anyone and may be quite stressful for young parents as they are still negotiating other major changes such as exploring their independence and individuality (Arnett, 2000; Gee, McNerney, Reiter & Leaman, 2007). Early parenthood has other obvious implications such as limiting young people in their educational and career options through the primary demands of looking after an infant or small child (e.g. Werner-Wilson, 1998). The involvement of the father with the children of young single women has an important role for both the young mother and the child, depending on the quality of the relationship between the couple, fathers can provide positive support (Gee et al., 2007). However, many young parents end their relationship within the first few years of the birth of the child (Gee & Rhodes, 2003).

7.7 Rural Youth Leaving Home

In Australia many young people who live in regional areas need to leave home to broaden their opportunities, continue their education or find employment. Many of these adolescents are aged as young as 15 or 16 and are moving for educational or employment reasons rather than personal or family reasons (Jones, 2004). Therefore they are more likely to experience homesickness than other adolescents leaving home in different contexts. Jones indicates that this situation can mean confusing change away from the security of family and community and that this push to leave can be greater for young rural women as they have even fewer job opportunities in their communities than young males. This researcher also indicates that the accommodation options for such young people are often transitory and many of the young people return to the security of home communities, even at the sacrifice of their education or employment opportunities.

Abbott-Chapman (2001) discusses some of the issues and influences facing adolescents in rural Australia. She indicates that the choices that rural adolescents make about their futures after high school tend to be strongly influenced by parents and family. Therefore when the parents see further education as not necessarily leading to employment they may encourage their child to remain in the rural community even though work may not be readily available and staying prevents them from being able to compete for broader employment opportunities. On the other hand, rural communities can offer support for finding local employment and of course allow young people to benefit from continuing and necessary family support.

Similar issues have been found for rural youth in Scotland. Jones (2001) indicates that young people in rural Scotland either leave their rural communities to seek further education or employment or remain in their communities with more restricted opportunities for their futures. Jones also notes that the housing market in Scotland is not set up to be supportive of young people leaving home, with council and community housing opportunities being more directed at couples and families. He indicates that for single young women without a child their predominant option is to stay at home with parents. Jones concludes that to provide support for rural young people to stay in their communities there needs to be a combination of establishing affordable housing for single young people and the provision of better training, transport and employment opportunities.

7.8 Running Away From Home

Adolescents under 18 who leave home without the permission of their parents are termed runaways. Running away from home is an issue because adolescents who do so are often placing themselves in risky situations (Tyler, Hoyt, Whitbeck & Cauce, 2001).

Girls are more likely than boys to run away and adolescents from poorer families are more likely to run away than adolescents from families with greater resources (Tyler & Bersani, 2009). Adolescents whose mothers monitor them and know where they are and know their friends seem less likely to run away. Adolescents who report greater personal victimisation, negative school experiences and delinquency appear more likely to run away from their family homes than those who report more positive family and school environments (Tyler & Bersani).

Some studies indicate that running away from home is associated with severe emotional problems, and that these adolescents are not mature enough to be properly prepared for living independently. On the other hand, there are studies indicating that running away from home can be a positive response to difficult or abusive home situations (e.g. Booth, Rustenbach & McHale, 2008; Gullotta, 2003).

Gullotta (2003) reports that many adolescents who run away from home do so because of common parent-adolescent conflicts, such as rules or school, and that most run to a friend’s or relative’s house and many are away for two days or less. He suggests that two different groups of adolescents are being confused; the ones who run away and the ones that are forced to leave, or are thrown out of home. Adolescents who run away usually have the option to return to their homes, whereas those who are forced to leave may only have the option of becoming homeless.

7.9 Homelessness

Youth homelessness has become a much talked-about and researched topic over the last few decades. As is the case for adolescents who run away from home, but who do not necessarily become homeless, homeless adolescents are at risk. Homeless males are more likely than homeless females to experience physical assault, and homeless females are more likely than homeless males to experience sexual assault (Stewart et al., 2004).

Many adolescents become homeless due to leaving disturbed home environments (e.g. poverty, abuse, parental psychiatric illness) and these adolescents are more likely to suffer from depression, anxiety and alcohol abuse (Stewart, Steiman, Cauce, Cochran, Whitback & Hoyt, 2004). In an interview study of 50 homeless young people, Hyde (2005) found that the majority discussed physical abuse and about half discussed family conflict as reasons for leaving home. Of the young people in the study, 75% were from single-parent households and many others described difficulties with step-parents and parents’ new partners. Many young people may not readily seek or respond to assistance once they have become homeless, which may be partly due to experience of failure when engaging with adults in their lives and a sense of reluctance to give up the sense of independence they have achieved (Hyde, 2005).

Suicide is the leading cause of death for homeless adolescents (Roy, Haley, Leclerc, Sochanski, Boudreau & Boivin, 2004). Kidd (2006) looked at why homeless young people suicide. What he found was that young people coming from an abusive past had low self-esteem, felt very lonely and used drugs. This situation led to young people feeling trapped, or helpless, increasing the likelihood that they would be suicidal. These feelings of being trapped or feeling helpless were greater for the adolescents who had been thrown out of home. The young people in this study, however, reported a decline in suicide ideation and suicide attempts and fewer self-harming behaviours after leaving home to live on the streets. The authors suggest that this improvement in their adjustment is due to their home life having been even more negative than street life. In addition, the negative attitude that many of these young homeless had to suicide, may have led to this change as the newer homeless young people sought acceptance in this group. The decrease in self harm and suicide behaviours could also be due to gaining a sense of belonging with the other young people living on the streets and gaining some sense of control over their experience, at least for those adolescents who chose to leave home (e.g., Pears & Noller, 1995).

Homeless adolescents are more likely than their counterparts with stable living accommodation to participate in high-risk sexual behaviours, to use drugs, to become parents as adolescents, and to contract AIDs (Rosenthal, Rotheram-Borus, Batterham, Mallett, Rice & Milburn, 2007). Fortunately, most of these adolescents do not continue to increase these risky behaviours and many first-time homeless adolescents return home within six months (Rosenthal et al.).

In a two-year longitudinal study of homeless adolescents in Los Angeles and Melbourne, Rosenthal and colleagues (2007) found that adolescents who had remained homeless, or were in unstable living arrangements at the two-year follow up were sexually active but very few were engaging in sex work. However, the homeless in both countries were using drugs at a higher level than their counterparts in high schools. This study showed that most of the adolescents did not become chronically homeless and many returned home.

In an exploratory interview study, Lindsey and colleagues (Lindsey, Kurtz, Jarvis, Williams & Nackerud, 2000) investigated the ways in which some adolescents managed to make successful transitions from homelessness to adulthood. They interviewed 12 young people who had previously been homeless adolescents but who had turned their lives around and were now in college. Learning was perceived as important by the young people in this study. Sometimes a period of crisis, such as going to jail, instigated conscious learning and planning for a different future. Religion or spirituality was indicated as important in facilitating their ability to get their lives back on track for seven of the young people interviewed.

I didn’t necessarily believe in God that everybody else believes in, but I always believed in a higher power. And for me, just being able to say that I know I’m [here] because of something greater than myself. What it is, I have no idea, but just being able to pray to something, you know, just say “Help me” to somebody. . . . And they ain’t going to judge you, come down and slap you . . . (Kameka, (21) p.135).

One of the key themes that the young people spoke about was personal resources such as independence, maturity, determination and recognising their own value. They also indicated that the ability to communicate with others appropriately, to take responsibility for their own actions and to be able to accept assistance were important for their transitions, as well as being able to assist others.

It gives me purpose. . . . All that comes from it is good. There’s nothing negative about [it]. It’s like you’re helping yourself, you’re helping the other person, and then you’re giving the other person also the opportunity to help others. So it’s like you’re seeing this goodness multiply. That’s just so cool (Trisha (22) p.130).

7.10 Summary

Late adolescence is a transitional period and a time when children and their parents are considering options for their future lives in adulthood. Only a minority of adolescents leave home to live independently but the circumstances under which they do has have implications for the adolescent and for their family relationships. The transitionary period between adolescence and adulthood has been termed emerging adulthood. Living arrangements for emerging adults are diverse and the patterns of young people leaving home become more predictable in their mid twenties.

Family structure can have an impact on the ways young people leave home. Children in continuously married families tend to leave home later than those from divorced, single-parent and step-families. Young people from these families can experience more conflict and less family support to leave home. Family emotional and financial support is important to the adjustment of adolescents during this transition out of home.

Family issues are a key reason that children leave home early. Issues such as family conflict and unresponsive and alcoholic parents can contribute to children making early leaving-home transitions. These background contexts impact on their adjustment and their ability to be independent, which hinders the possibility of a positive transition out of home.

Many adolescents leave home to continue their education and are often challenged by the notion of managing day–to-day issues such as laundry and budgeting. Going to college is also an exciting time for adolescents and some see this as a time where they can test out their ability to live independently. However, young people still perceive that they need their parents’ continued support. Adolescents are likely to experience homesickness during the transition to college and the quality of the parent-adolescent relationship is crucial for their adjustment to living out of home.

In Israel adolescents leave home after high school for mandatory military service, which is a different experience from going to college, as there is no choice. Young men who are secure in their family relationships may adjust better to the basic training experience and in their development of mature relationships and independence. Young men who are dismissing in terms of their attachment style appear to function well in the military environment and develop independence. This situation may be due to the context of the military that does not value those seeking closeness.

Some young people leave home to move in with romantic partners. There has been a move toward cohabitation as a viable relationship option for young people. Adolescents who have clear goals for the future are less likely to cohabit, as are those who have religious values, come from continually married families and have good relationships with their parents.

Early transitions to parenthood can create stress for young parents who are still negotiating their independence and can limit their opportunities for the future. The support of young mothers by an involved father of their child can be of benefit to both the young woman and the child. However, many of these relationships end during the first few years after the birth of the child.

Rural young people face specific challenges due to the lack of educational and job opportunities that often exist in their communities. They also face problems with finding appropriate and affordable housing and can return home at the expense of their plans for the future.

Adolescents can run away, because they choose to leave the family, or because they are pushed or thrown out of home. Some adolescents may react to serious emotional or family issues by running away and yet others may do so due to what is perceived as common parent-adolescent conflict. These adolescents often find themselves in risky situations, participate in risky behaviours and are likely to experience more violence and assaults than other adolescents in our communities. Many of these young people have left home due to disturbed home environments and are more likely to suffer from mood disorders and to abuse drugs and alcohol. How helpless or trapped young people feel in this situation appears to have a large impact on their outcomes. Many runaways only do so for a few days and visit relatives or friends and then return home.

Suicide has been found to be the largest cause of death for homeless young people. However, many homeless young people do not become chronically homeless and manage the adjustment to adulthood. Some reasons young people have given for their ability to transition well into emerging adulthood have been religious beliefs, learning from their experiences, their personal strengths, taking responsibility for their own behaviour and helping others.

7.11 Some Implications for Practitioners

As indicated, there are many contexts in which young people may leave home. The reasons young people leave home will have a direct impact upon the type of support or services they or their families need. Because the reasons for leaving home are often multidimensional and therefore complex, it is inappropriate to propose simple solutions that would not be relevant in all cases. For example, youth homelessness is a widely-acknowledged issue that communities and governments have spent large amounts of financial resources in an attempt to resolve but with little far-reaching success.

The research indicates that young people leaving home to go to college may not be equipped with all the necessary life skills (e.g. financial management, dealing with laundry, diet etc.) for managing their day to day lives when living away from the family home. These types of findings indicate a need for a focus on life skills for adolescents and the necessity for parents to encourage the development of such skills before young people reach an age where they are likely to be thinking about leaving home.

Interventions for young people leaving home also need to include more broad-based interventions rather than just individual ones. For example, rural young people who leave home for work or study and young people leaving troubled homes need to be able to access affordable housing and community supports when their parents either are unable or unwilling to provide ongoing financial and emotional assistance. These may be provided by governments or by nongovernment welfare organizations.

Research shows that couples who cohabit prior to making a commitment to marry are more likely to divorce. In addition young couples tend to “slide” into cohabitation, without any real discussion of the issues. For these reasons, it seems important that information about cohabiting should be made readily available to young people and their families. Information that can assist young people to make informed decisions and facilitate their parents’ involvement in the decision would seem a beneficial psycho-educational response that allows for highlighting the importance and implications for such decisions.

Step-families are acknowledged to involve specific needs and challenges, which is the reason why organisations such as Step-families Australia have been established. Such programs aim to assist step-families adapt to the changing family structure and to develop positive relationships. The research indicates that young people leaving home from step-families tend to have more distant relationships with their parents, even though it is crucial for young people to have their parents’ ongoing support. Interventions aimed at increasing the closeness or responsiveness amongst family members in these families may be critical for adolescents’ positive transitions to leaving home.

Finally, as each life stage is dependent upon prior contexts and experiences, early intervention in troubled family relationships is crucial to an adaptive transition for adolescents leaving home and their ability to return home should the need arise. For this reason the main practice implication when working with troubled families is to support them to enhance their functioning at an early stage of family life and assist them to be aware of and consider implications for the future, if changes are not made.

In this chapter we have discussed some of the issues and contexts that contribute to adolescents leaving home, and factors that make these transitions easier or harder for them. In the next and final chapter we aim to discuss the challenges for adolescents and families with a particular focus on resilience and ways families can build upon both the families’ and their adolescents’ resilience.

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