CHAPTER 10

THE TROPICAL CITY IS NO PARADISE

Jakarta, Indonesia’s capital city, routinely wins the dubious honor of having the worst traffic in the world. Jakarta’s policymakers keep trying to combat the city’s daily, hours-long congestion, to little effect. In 1992, when Jakarta had only half its current population and one tenth the current number of vehicles,1 the city introduced carpool lanes on some important thoroughfares. Commonly known as the “3-in-1 policy,”2 it required cars to have at least three passengers.

Jakartans subsequently built an entire economy centered on circumventing the intent of the policy. For example, men, women, and even children would hire themselves out as professional hitchhikers, known as “jockeys,” to serve as an extra body so that cars could travel in the carpool lanes. (Mothers with babies were in especially high demand, as drivers could thus get two extra passengers for the price of one.)

Some of these practices broke the law, but other issues made these business models unacceptable. Schoolchildren guided traffic instead of going to school. Female jockeys were sexually harassed. Newborns and babies were sedated so that drivers wouldn’t have to deal with crying infants. To halt these sometimes hazardous practices, the Jakarta government finally ended the 3-in-1 policy in mid-2016. Traffic immediately rose on the former carpool lanes.

Only a few months after the repeal of the 3-in-1 policy, the new “odd-even license day policy” was introduced.3 Again, this failed as a corrective to Jakarta’s traffic problems. Jakartans acquired multiple fake license plates or just ignored the new law. Richer Jakartans simply bought a second car with a different license plate. (To be fair, Jakarta’s government never declared that the odd-even policy would be the ultimate solution to traffic issues or that it was only a temporary instrument. True success is planned to come in 2019 with the implementation of an electronic road pricing system, which will implement a flexible road pricing program as a replacement for some traffic measures.)

Traffic is not the only negative side-effect of the massive increase in car ownership. Another is the explosion in parking spaces and garages in Jakarta, preventing the land from being used for more socially beneficial purposes, such as housing.

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Indonesia’s capital is not the only city with severe traffic problems. As of June 2017, Mexico City, Bangkok, and Jakarta led the TomTom Traffic Index, which measures congestion. All the most congested cites are in the tropics, whose residents spend roughly 400–500 hours per year in traffic.4 And new cities are following in their wake. The South China Morning Post reported that Ho Chi Minh City’s severe growth of traffic congestion and air pollution threatens to turn it into the next Manila or Jakarta.5 And one estimate for the city of Bangalore stated that each year, over ten million people waste six hundred million man-hours due to traffic congestion.6

Furthermore, hundreds of thousands of people die each year on the roads of these tropical cities. According to the World Health Organization, many of these deaths are easily preventable. There is a lack of enforcement of simple government policies and requirements, such as mandatory seat belts and motorcycle helmets.7 As Anucha Setthasathian, the secretary-general of Thailand’s National Institute of Emergency Medicine, explained, more than one out of five emergency patients in Thailand die on their way to the hospital due to delays from traffic jams and uncooperative motorists.8

Finally, there are deaths caused by air pollution—not just from cars but also from surrounding industries and, in the case of cities such as Delhi, from a complex web of causes, including the burning of agricultural waste in the surrounding rural hinterland. In 2016, the World Health Organization estimated that air pollution causes almost 6.5 million premature deaths each year.9 A 2017 study by the Lancet Commission on Pollution and Health found that India and China topped the list for premature deaths from pollution in 2015, at 2.5 million and 1.8 million respectively.10 India’s Supreme Court itself estimated that pollution in New Delhi kills three thousand people every year.11

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Cities across East and Southeast Asia have grown tremendously as more people move from the countryside (where there are few economic opportunities as a result of economic policies of neglect) to the city (where there are meant to be many more economic opportunities but dire living conditions). These cities have been unable to expand to accommodate this huge inflow of migrants, yet policymakers allow them to stream in.

The growth of large cities has often been seen as the quickest means of spurring economic development. The theory goes that urbanization brings underutilized people out of the countryside to the city, where they can be put to more productive uses.

Proponents point to the developed world as evidence of this model’s success: rich countries saw growth as people moved from the countryside to the city. But this urbanization occurred over a relatively longer time frame: decades, if not centuries. Rich countries also had the resources to manage the growth of these cities, even as they expanded to enormous sizes.

Poor countries do not have that luxury. The timescale for growth in the developing world is years, not decades. Rich countries would struggle to manage growth at that scale; poor countries have no chance. Nor do poor cities have the infrastructure to provide an adequate standard of living for their exploding populations or to deal efficiently with their externalities (e.g., solid waste, sewage, air pollution, traffic congestion, and so on).

Yet the idea that urbanization must be slowed down, let alone reversed, is not seen in the economic literature. Nevertheless, it is an option that must be seriously considered with the coming global crisis of sustainable development.

This chapter will illustrate the consequences of weak state governance in relation to rapidly growing cities. Policymakers continue to believe that urbanization is an inevitable benefit for their economies, in spite of all the evidence that the developing world’s megacities have serious issues that require drastic measures. Why make something bigger when it is already so bad?

It will also explore possible solutions through greater state management of the economy. City and state governments of developing economies must act now; a hands-off approach will only make some groups better off at the expense of poorer groups and will result in irreversible trends and very expensive solutions. More active governance would enable every resident—in both growing urban economies and in the rural communities “left behind”—to have access to basic needs.

A radical concept for developing countries should be considered: deurbanization, or encouraging people to move out of cramped major urban centers. This would require government investment in the countryside and secondary cities to encourage a more sustainable population distribution across the entire country. I will argue that this would also help reshape the economies of these countries and be part of how we reshape capitalism in the twenty-first century.

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In 2009, for the first time in human history, the number of people living in urban areas (3.42 billion) surpassed the number living in rural areas (3.41 billion), according to the UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs.12 Many forecasters project that this trend will continue throughout the twenty-first century. As of 2016, twelve of the world’s fifteen biggest urban areas were Asian.13 In most cases, this news was greeted as inevitable and even as a sign of human prosperity or the path to it. But we need to be bold enough to challenge this unquestioned assumption.

Urban life has been made to appear to be what people want: excitement, bright lights, and modernity. What was justified on an economic basis has been transformed into some inherent part of human desire, combining arguments around growth, wealth, modernity, and innovation. As the narrative goes, cities are the center of modern life. They attract multinational corporations, as cities are big markets for their products. In turn, cities attract the young and talented. These stories are spread by the media, which share success stories of those who made it to the top.

Let us look at why and how urbanization appeals to two different groups: ordinary individuals and government.

Citizens. Modern literature often discusses how cities pull people to them (e.g., offering a reliable income, safety from the natural environment, luxuries, convenience, and even night life), and how people are pushed from rural areas (e.g., droughts, lack of jobs, economic decay, boredom, backbreaking work). Combined, these forces encourage migration from rural to urban areas.

In this narrative, many villagers are cited as saying they want to move to the city for a “higher quality of life.” This is then accepted by many as the reason why urbanization is inevitable. What the narrative does not explore is why a higher quality of life is to be had in cities and not in the rural areas (leaving aside the more philosophical debate about what we mean by a higher quality of life). Most times, it boils down to one thing: lack of jobs. And why? Political neglect rooted in the false belief that urbanization is the mechanism for economic growth and development. An urban lifestyle is synonymous with a higher-paid, less physically demanding job (or often just any job at all) than what is available in rural communities. Urban communities can also sustain higher-quality public and social services, such as education and health care, as well as access to the comforts of modern life—again indicators of public policy neglect of rural areas. Communications networks in rural areas are also far less developed. The density of people in cites means that political and business leaders choose to invest in cities over more sparsely populated rural areas.

Cities are usually a country’s economic hub, which in turn attracts a diverse domestic and international audience. This often makes cities the focal point of a country’s cultural scene as well, as the place where most of a country’s artists, musicians, and writers tend to live. Urban life is connected to success and the modern “meritocracy”: as the famous song about New York City goes, “If I can make it there, I can make it anywhere.”

Governments. For most countries, urban areas are engines of economic growth. They also host a country’s political elites, naturally bringing greater attention to them.

Although estimates vary, cities cover between 1 and 3 percent of the Earth’s surface.14 However, they are now home to roughly 54 percent of all people and drive around 80 percent of the world’s economy. They also contribute to our planet’s pollution by the same share.15 Empirical studies suggest that there is a significant correlation between the rate of urbanization and a country’s per capita productivity.16 However, this tells us nothing about the quality of life for urban residents, the long-term damaging effects on the environment, or the question of whether striving for the highest possible per capita output is the best goal for an economy in the first place. Claims that the best thing for economic productivity is to move people from less productive rural areas to more productive urban areas are not including these important external costs in their calculations.

Cities are of paramount importance to the economic and political elite. Local, regional, and central state governments generate substantial shares of their fiscal revenue from these urban areas, and thus rely heavily on their output. On the spending side, governments can take advantage of economies of scale when they provide public services, although these services are inevitably to address issues created by excessive urbanization, and rarely do so satisfactorily. Thus developing an urban area appears to be much easier than working through many small towns and villages.

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Congestion, which I discussed in the opening of this chapter, and inadequate housing, which we will look at here, merely scratch the surface of how rampant urbanization could eventually lead to catastrophic and even irreversible consequences, from air pollution and common homelessness to untreated sewage, increasing urban temperature, and permanently submerged areas.

The rush to urbanize has pushed more and more people to live in very dense urban areas like Mumbai. India’s largest metropolis, with a population of twenty-three million, is one of the world’s most densely populated cities, behind only Dhaka in Bangladesh.

It can be difficult to grasp what the density really feels like. Demographia, the urban consulting firm, noted that “Dhaka’s density is so great that the New York urban area, if as densely populated, would contain one-half billion (500,000,000) residents, more than the combined population of the United States, Canada, and Mexico. Paris would have 130,000,000 residents, approximately the same population as France and the United Kingdom combined.”17

Overpopulation and overcrowding are two of the most prominent concerns for tropical cities. Landlords and property developers subdivide apartments into multiple tiny units, leading to new terms like “shoebox apartment,” “coffin cubicle,” and “cage home” to describe the ever-shrinking living space, even as rents keep increasing.

The city of Hong Kong, for example, has a long-standing and persistent problem with housing affordability. It has consistently been ranked one of the world’s most expensive housing markets, with a “median multiple” of 18 between average home prices and average income. Hong Kong also does not have any minimum standards for living space, which puts downward pressure on home sizes. Property developers sell apartments little bigger than a parking space for millions of Hong Kong dollars, and landlords illegally split single apartments into multiple units. This problem is not unknown—every few months, dire images of “coffin homes” make the rounds on domestic and international media. Yet no action has been taken, as the state is riven with conflict and thus too weak to take action against vested interests.

Dense dwellings, air and noise pollution, contaminated water, poor infrastructure, untreated sewage, traffic congestion, slums, and homelessness are all immensely important problems to solve. But there are some other, less well known downsides of urbanization, especially in tropical regions.

Informal settlers are at much higher risk of harm from

•     Land insecurity. The OECD defines informal settlements as “1. areas where groups of housing units have been constructed on land that the occupants have no legal claim to, or occupy illegally; 2. unplanned settlements and areas where housing is not in compliance with current planning and building regulations (unauthorized housing)”18

Consequently, “squatters” are by their nature perpetually vulnerable to eviction. Governments must come up with solutions to satisfy the accommodation needs of informal settlers living day-to-day without knowing whether they will have a home the next day.

For example, slum dwellers in Lagos—Africa’s largest and fastest-growing city—have been pushed from the fringes by a government campaign to “clean up the slums,” which just so happen to sit on prime waterfront territory. Slum dwellers have since been pushed to live in canoes along the Lagos waterfront, providing even less security from eviction.

•     Damage from natural disasters. Informal settlements are usually at the mercy of natural forces, due to their geographical location. For example, the slums in Rio de Janeiro and Bogotá are constantly at risk from landslides and rainstorms, which can kill hundreds and displace tens of thousands.19 Living by the water’s edge, settlers in Manila, Jakarta, Yangon, and Lagos20 are all threatened by rising sea levels, rainstorms, and floods. In some regions, earthquakes can level settlements to the ground. Unfortunately, governments largely abandon slums to their own devices.

•     Man-made disasters. In densely populated slums, fires are fast spreading and disastrous, such as the blazes that Mumbai’s Dharavi slum experienced regularly. Fire departments can find it difficult to reach the source of the blaze, due to the packed nature of urban slums. Other man-made disasters are related to pollution, such as waste contamination of water sources and spread of diseases.

Slums also serve as a cauldron for criminal activities, such as gang violence, drug consumption, and prostitution. Law enforcement in these areas is usually underfunded and thus insufficient. Inadequate public policing and poor city planning and governance all contribute to the poor circumstances for slum inhabitants.

Sadly, for many men, women, and children seeking prosperity in any fast-growing tropical city, their dreams often end upon arrival. Homelessness or a life in the slums may be inescapable. Soon, there will be more than one billion informal settlers, as the growth of urban poverty outstrips the rural rate.21 The United Nations has estimated that if no action is taken to control the inflow of people, there might be as many as three billion people living in slums by 2050.22

Yet another downside of the city, especially in tropical areas, concerns the “heat island” effect. A heat island is an urban area that is substantially warmer (by 3°C–7°C during the day, and at night even reaching double-digit differences)23 than its surrounding rural areas due to human activities and man-made changes to the environment. Originally, natural fauna or water surfaces would reflect incoming natural energy. But artificial materials, such as asphalt or concrete, trap that heat. Ambient temperatures are also driven up by the activity of millions of people.

As temperatures rise, so does the demand for air conditioning. These units in turn give off their own ambient heat, which calls for yet more air conditioning. This vicious cycle overstresses the power system, leading to frequent electrical blackouts.

Tropical cities with large populations are most likely to be the most severely affected by the heat island effect, as shown by a recent study of nearly seventeen hundred cities globally.24 The urban heat island effect has severe ramifications for nature, wildlife, and people, altering water cycles and water availability, lowering the resilience of environmental systems, and causing health problems in both animals and people. It is thus little wonder that incidences of heat stroke are surging dramatically; India’s National Crime Records Bureau found that there was a 61 percent increase in the number of deaths from heat stroke between 2004 and 2013 compared to the previous decade.25

This unbearable heat is accompanied by the high humidity of the tropics. Simultaneous high temperatures and humidity will slowly make several cities impossible for humans to live in.26

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Undoubtedly, cities are vital economic engines for any country. But, from Rio to Lagos, the need to optimize growth and lift millions out of poverty should be on the top of the agenda. Ignoring the downside is easier for officials in the city than seriously thinking about how the city and the hinterland are interconnected, and about the unpopular decisions that would need to be taken to undo the damage of past policies. Policymakers in the tropics must develop the ability to extract less from the hinterland and create a functioning system to correctly price the services of rural areas, such as food production and supplying drinking water, so that these areas can thrive and that cities do not become even larger while being parasitic. Bold leadership will be needed, as these actions will threaten the status quo and those that thrive on it. Only a strong state can withstand such interests and implement policies in the interest of the majority.

As mentioned before, in the West, people moved to cities due to their greater economic opportunities. Urbanization took place incrementally over the course of two hundred years, and on a much smaller scale due to lower populations. Governments and people had time to adjust: legal systems, law enforcement, infrastructure, and the administrative structure grew at rates adequate to the requirements. The growth also took place at a time when the West was the growth engine of the world and had access to resources worldwide due to colonization.

The situation in cities like Jakarta, Manila, Rio, and Lagos is more chaotic than the West had ever seen. Even by the second half of the twentieth century, these urban areas had reached a scale unmatched in Europe or North America (with the possible exception of New York City). Urbanization in the developing world seems to focus on a single city—Lagos, Manila, Jakarta, and so on. These areas experience intense urbanization within a matter of decades, and therefore do not possess the capacity to serve their growing populations, let alone the financial resources (due to inefficient tax systems and collection).

Where will the resources come from to host more than ten million people? City boundaries are pushed ever further to seize more surrounding underdeveloped land without adequate infrastructure or basic services. Cities cannot keep pace with their own growth, and so have a lower quality of life for the majority of their inhabitants.27

Megacities also have widespread effects on rural communities: “brain drain”; resource exploitation; soil erosion; power imbalances; economic instability; loss of culture, knowledge, and traditions; and social tensions. First of all, no city, tropical or not, is self-sustaining. From the raw material to build skyscrapers to the energy needed to keep engines running to the coffee served in thousands of cafés, all are found in rural areas in the hinterland.

Second, by focusing on major urban centers, governments leave rural areas behind. Thus young people in rural areas seeking an education will abandon their hometowns in search of a better life. Yet once awarded with a degree, few return to live where they were brought up. The elderly, young children, the unskilled, and those too poor for education are left behind. This hollows out rural areas and results in the myth-creating narrative of cities as the centers of prosperity and modernity. As the Asian Development Bank explained, “This loss of human capital in the fields of medicine, science, engineering, management, and education can be a major obstacle to economic and social development.”28 Urbanization has a similar effect, albeit domestically. The best and brightest abandon rural areas for the city, leaving little talent in the villages and countryside, thus perpetuating the cycle of poverty and underdevelopment.

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There is little time to waste. These urgent problems won’t disappear into thin air, nor will any new technology provide the basic needs that are still not met for over a billion people and billions more who are at the margins. The governments of today’s rapidly growing cities and countries in tropical regions need to drastically rethink and reinvent the future of their cities before the damage is beyond repair. The success of the minority affluent population in cities, who live in much better circumstances, should not be the template for planning the future, as tempting and seductive as that might be. After all, it has become clear that this highconsumption lifestyle is not possible for the majority.

The only institution with enough power, capability, and authority to resolve the issues of urbanization is the state. The next sections describe some ways a strong government can change tack.

Basic Needs in Urban Areas

The most urgent task will be to provide access to basic needs (food and safe drinking water, appropriate accommodation, sanitation, education, and health care) for all people within a country and to lift them out of poverty.

One central need is affordable, high-quality, resilient accommodation. The most straightforward way to provide this is with public housing: government-constructed homes designed for low-income residents. Whether rented at subsidized rates to low-income people, made accessible at reduced prices with extremely generous public housing finance programs, or just provided to the very poor free of charge, public housing ensures that everyone living in a city has a safe and secure place to live.

There is another benefit of public housing: it allows cities to guide urban planning toward a more sustainable path. Rather than encourage suburban sprawl, governments can use public housing to drive high-density development that is integrated with public transportation, uses the latest sustainable building techniques, and is surrounded by adequate public and green space.

Contrast the performance of Singapore to the efforts of New York. Singapore has managed to fit almost six million people on a tiny sliver of land without leading to a massive housing affordability crisis. This is mostly due to Singapore’s world-class provision of public housing: the city has some of the highest rates of public housing occupancy in the world, approaching 80 percent.

Singapore has achieved this by putting the entire housing sector under public control. The government builds the vast majority of homes in Singapore, but it has also created an entire system of public housing finance. Singaporeans can pay off their mortgages (offered by the government) by withdrawing money from their pension accounts (managed by the government). The government then uses these resources to build new homes, continuing the creation of more affordable housing for Singaporeans. This control over housing also allows the Singaporean government to use housing as a mechanism to achieve other policy objectives, such as encouraging children to move near their parents, thus saving money on elder care, or mandating the creation of ethnically diverse housing estates to encourage tolerance.

By contrast, New York City continues to struggle with housing affordability. The current mayor of New York, Bill de Blasio, came into office with a promise to build cheap homes throughout the city. However, rather than using the power of the city government to build or fund homes directly, Mayor de Blasio has chosen to encourage developers to allot some of their units to be sold at “affordable” prices. These units are then allotted to individuals on the affordable housing waitlist—a list that is now two million people long. This strategy has had limited success: de Blasio’s office recently celebrated the construction of seventy-eight thousand affordable flats over the span of three years, and only six thousand in 2016. In comparison, Hong Kong, which faces its own (admittedly more severe) housing crisis, has pledged to build 460,000 flats over ten years—only half of what the government believes is needed to fully resolve the crisis, which itself is believed to underestimate what is truly needed.

It is somewhat unfair to compare these two cities. Singapore is a citystate, and therefore has much more authority to control its own affairs than New York City, which must comply with the laws and politics of both New York State and the wider US. Mayor de Blasio probably does not have the authority or political foundation to launch a massive public program to build affordable homes. Singapore also can control its inward migration, which New York City certainly cannot. But this reveals the necessary role of the state government in using its strength to help cities deliver basic needs and control rural-urban migration. We cannot expect cities such as Bangkok or Manila to have the resources or the authority to solve these problems alone; the state will have to work with them. But given the importance of these megacities, it is incumbent on the state to act and to do so even draconically if needed. After all, they will have the support of the majority.

Reducing External Costs: Traffic

Cities should strive to internalize all the costs of urban living, including those placed on rural residents as well as those placed on urban residents. One straightforward way to reduce social costs would be to implement controls on car ownership, which places numerous external costs on a city’s population through congestion, pollution, and damage to public health. The best way to reduce these costs is not by investing in electric cars but rather to directly work to limit car ownership and expand high-quality public transportation.

There are numerous ways a city government could reduce the number of cars on the road. The government could increase taxes on both cars and petroleum, increasing the private costs of owning a car. It could also limit the number of licenses granted each year or add surcharges on parking garages and spaces. Or it could revise laws to discourage driving and drastically reduce the number of parking spaces.

Governments could also implement strict regulations not just on car ownership but on car usage. Although carpool lanes and alternate-use days based on license plates are both possible mechanisms to control car usage, such lighter mechanisms, as shown by Jakarta’s experience (discussed previously in this chapter), are open to abuse. A stronger government mechanism would be to implement a system of road pricing to force drivers to pay for their external costs. More drastically, cities can designate areas as no-car zones (apart from public transportation and emergency vehicles).

City governments must do more than close off the overuse of cars, however; they must also ensure that urban residents still preserve some level of convenient and speedy mobility. In essence, this would be a clean, efficient, fast, and low-cost system of public transportation.

Much of the discussion about urban mobility tends to focus on the new, flashy, and expensive. Expensive subways are seen as a hallmark of urban modernity; thus many developing cities try to drill expensive tunnels. These systems are often designed with politics in mind, rather than actual need. Worse, some experts are talking about replacing private car ownership with fleets of cars for hire that can move people from one place to another. One expects these fleets will be privately owned, limiting government regulation and control over transportation.

But a good system of public transportation does not need to be expensive or flashy. Public buses, electric trams and streetcars, and ferries can cover a larger area more cheaply than subways, especially when they can operate efficiently once other measures are in place to reduce private car usage or ownership. Cheaper, less flashy, but just as effective alternatives can be found for the cars-for-hire system beloved by tech people: electric tuk-tuks and bicycle cabs are already cost-competitive with gasoline-powered versions. Governments can mandate that all tuk-tuks switch to electric versions and come under public control and management, in exchange for government assistance in bolstering their services.

Reducing External Costs: Heat

The problem of heat may be the most pressing and difficult issue to solve, especially in the tropical city. Governments will somehow need to curb the use of air conditioning with all of its ill effects and costs, while also finding ways to help people cope with the heat. Other critical steps would be to reduce the percentage of the city that is paved or covered in concrete, and to vastly expand green cover.

One initial step would be an aggressive move to replace old air conditioners with newer, more efficient, and less carbon-emitting versions. This can limit the environmental impact and external cost of air conditioners already in use. Governments can also mandate how air conditioners are used in major commercial and public buildings, such as office towers, shopping malls, and public facilities.

But this would only be the first step. Governments will need to start curbing, or even preventing, the installation of new air conditioners. The government could impose a tax on new air-conditioning units, using the revenue generated to encourage more energy-efficient methods of cooling. The government could encourage the use of less heat-generating cooling systems, such as the “swamp cooler,” which uses water evaporation to cool rooms. It could mandate renewable energy facilities as the mainstay energy provider for air conditioners to combat carbon emissions, but this does not fully address the heating effect.

Cities should also embrace the building techniques of centuries past. Tropical communities had developed homes that could handle the heat long before the advent of air conditioning. But the ease of air conditioning has made architects lazy: its far easier to throw up inefficient, glass-covered, boxy homes and skyscrapers that are cooled by air conditioning than to take advantage of natural thermal dynamics.

Not every traditional technique can be modernized, to be sure. But few architects have tried, largely because they have relied on air conditioning. But a government mandate to limit, or even prevent, the use of air conditioning would force architects and engineers to come up with new cooling strategies.

Urban Design and Planning

Anyone who has been to one of the higher floors of Kuala Lumpur’s magnificent Petronas towers will immediately see the topography of the surrounding Klang Valley. The view makes clear that the urban yet leafy sprawl of Kuala Lumpur is bounded by lush vegetation, forests, and ancient limestone hills—a hub of biodiversity. Elephants, tapirs, and tigers can be found a two-hour drive from the twin towers.

Ideally situated at the confluence of two muddy rivers (from which the city gets its name) and surrounded by tropical mountain ranges, Kuala Lumpur is ideally situated to become the world’s first botanical city. Its population is expected to reach ten million by 2020 and needs a new model to overcome the unsustainable path of most megacities in the ASEAN region. This could open a whole new world of urban design and creativity, one not based on ideas from the West or other large modern cities unsuited to the tropics. It could encourage profound innovation and entrepreneurship to develop the talent, science, technology, and management capabilities required to make this transformation successful, thereby giving birth to a host of new business and job opportunities.

This vision would go well beyond preserving and restoring pockets of rainforests around the city, but would also bring the country’s abundant and valuable nature into the city itself. This would include growing nature corridors that connect the urban center with suburbs and surrounding forests, embedding the rainforest into urban life. It would also require restoring Kuala Lumpur’s polluted waterways. This will no doubt create a cooler microclimate to overcome the rising urban heat island effect.

Kuala Lumpur’s potential to become the world’s first botanical city is merely one example of how urban planning must try not just to lower the external costs of urban life but also to drive a new sustainable urban lifestyle better suited to a twenty-first century version of moderate prosperity. State governments should strive to answer the following question: What do we want our cities to look like in a resource-constrained twenty-first century? Do we want a sprawling metropolis like today’s Bangkok or Jakarta? Or something novel?

Rural Development and De-urbanization

The most transformative action states need to take is to develop a framework for a more sustainable division of a population between major cities, secondary towns, and rural areas. Governments need to blunt the flow of migration from rural areas, and channel the migration that remains across a wider area. This means decentralization and de-urbanization: encouraging people to live in rural communities and secondary towns, rather than in the major metropolitan area.

China has something that approaches this in the hukou: the internal permit that allows a person access to a given city’s public and social services. Although the hukou probably does place some controls on urban migration, many rural Chinese have ignored it and still moved to the city. However, when migrants live in an area without the hukou, they are denied access to basic social services, thus worsening their quality of life.

Instead, governments should seek to build better economic opportunities in both rural areas and secondary towns. Chapter 9 presented some ideas of what governments can do in rural areas, especially when it comes to developing higher-value agricultural companies and providing for food security without relying on industrial agriculture. But there are other areas governments can focus on as well.

One motivating factor can be the spread of provision of basic needs (electric power, clean water, proper sanitation, safe housing, and so on) across large rural areas. Building this infrastructure and these services will help create important economic opportunities in the countryside, encouraging people—especially the young and the skilled—to stay put.

States also can go beyond providing only the infrastructure for addressing basic needs: they can invest in many of the amenities and facilities that serve urban areas, such as higher education, advanced health care, financial systems, and public cultural facilities. These things may never “make money,” but that will not be the point: their purpose will be to provide in rural areas the moderately prosperous lifestyle people currently associate with cities.

Governments should also focus on secondary cities and towns, developing them into their own economic and business clusters. This will give migrants more options (and relieve pressure on the major cities) if they still decide to move to a city.

It may be too late and too difficult for mature countries like the US or European states to make these changes. But the developing world, as it expands its state institutions in managing the economy, can start to place important governing and regulatory institutions throughout the whole country, rather than centralizing them in one city.

Dealing with this issue on the level of the state allows for a national system of resource management and distribution, rather than leaving individual areas to work on their own. Governments could develop tax incentives to encourage people to stay, work, and set up businesses in rural areas and secondary towns. If this is done on a national level, state governments can ensure that any shortfall in revenue is made up through a national redistribution of income (as opposed to a federal system, where lost tax income stays lost).

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The rampant scale of urbanization requires a strong and quick government response to alleviate external costs on both the vast number of new urban migrants and the many people in rural areas who are left behind. Only the strong state has the authority to control and regulate unsustainable practices in the city while still providing paths to basic needs and moderate prosperity in both urban and rural areas.

None of these efforts necessarily have to work against the city. In fact, city governments may agree with several of the prescriptions here, especially concerning traffic alleviation, public housing, and expanding utilities. They may even support programs that encourage people to move elsewhere, in order to lower the pressure on their utilities, infrastructure, and housing markets. But, due to a lack of authority and resources, cities are unable to do these things themselves.

Solving the problems of the city requires a national solution. And the strong state is the only entity capable of establishing one.

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