INTRODUCTION
The three freedoms which all human beings crave— freedom from want, freedom from war or large-scale violence, and freedom from arbitrary or degrading treatment—are closely interconnected There is no long-term security without development There is no development without security
—KOFI ANNAN, former UN Secretary General1
IF WE LOOK to the data on how terrorist groups end, the Global Terrorism Index (GTI), an analysis of 586 terrorist groups that operated between 1970 and 2007, found that repressive counterterrorism measures enforced by military and security agents achieved the least success with religious terrorist organizations—contributing to the demise of only 12 percent.2 However, this book is less concerned with defeating terrorist organizations. Rather, it seeks to pinpoint what makes those organizations so appealing to recruits in the first place.
Assuming that our goal is to defeat terrorism and ensure greater universal human security, the central thesis of this book is that a long-term sustainable solution to counterterrorism necessitates a pivotal emphasis on social, political, and economic inclusion. Why? Simply because humanizing counterterrorism forces us to confront the underlying conditions that lead to violent extremism and terror-prone environments—the disease, rather than the symptoms. What are these conditions, and how do we transform them to create greater peacefulness? These are the questions Compassionate Counterterrorism attempts to answer.
In writing this book, I wanted to make terrorism accessible to a wider audience, in the way that books like Freakonomics and Nudge enticed us into the fascinating field of behavioral economics. The intellectually curious reader and concerned global citizen will find that this book curates a rich collection of diversely sourced data and materials and is peppered with insightful anecdotes, personal reflections, and narratives that bring the data to life. In a way, it mirrors my own multidisciplinary background; it traverses politics, business, development, and spirituality. My hope is that beyond the academic community, its appeal embraces a mainstream audience, including entrepreneurs, businesses, development agencies, and policymakers. And mostly—despite the limitations of finite time—I hope that it is an enabler in making our individual investments in collective human security somewhat more accessible.
The book is divided into three parts. Although some academics and other experts may be familiar with the history of Islam and the Middle East in Part I, and others may be well-acquainted with the commonly cited drivers of terrorism in Part II, the distillation and interwoven information and narratives provided are important in framing Part III of this book; therefore, I recommend reading the chapters sequentially. Moreover, in disassociating the “Islamic State” from religion, I refer to them using the Arabic acronym Daesh throughout this book.
CHAPTER BREAKDOWN
An Islamic militant walks into a bar and hires a stripper. One week later, he blows himself up. Does his act count as terrorism? According to a West Point Combating Terrorism Center (CTC) study, over 85 percent of the “Islamic” militants in their dataset had no formal religious education.3 Half of the foreign-trained fighters (FTFs) traveling from other countries to join Daesh in Iraq and Syria did not even known how to pray, according to a United Nations (UN) Counter-Terrorism Centre study, while only 16 percent even believed in the idea of establishing an Islamic State or caliphate in the Levant.4 How do we reconcile contradictions between why someone says they do something and their real motivations? Moreover, if terrorism is a form of psychological fear and intimidation, should the very same actions be held to different standards when perpetrated by a “legitimate” actor versus an “illegitimate” actor? Chapter 1 frames the controversies around our definitions of terrorism and covers a brief historical overview of the major turning points for terrorism, which lead us to present day.
Understanding contemporary violent Islamism necessitates a historical understanding of the Game-of-Thrones-like barbarism the advent of seventh-century Islam sought to remedy and reform in the first place. Chapter 2 covers this history in brief, introduces the spiritual godfathers of fundamentalism, and explains why the reinstatement of a modern-day caliphate represents a nostalgia for the Islamic Empire’s Golden Age of ascendancy. Following this is Chapter 3, which contextualizes the post-colonial baggage, as it were, and the failures of Arab nationalism to remedy it—providing the perfect confluence of circumstances for Islam to be transformed from a religion into a political method of sustaining un-Islamic regimes.
Although the leaders of terrorist organizations may be ideologically driven, Chapters 4–6 focus specifically on the nonideological drivers of violent extremism—“the why,” if you will. It is largely accepted based on diverse sources of multilateral, military, and academic research and data that these drivers exist. Therefore, it is in our self-interest to acknowledge them if we are to be active participants in ensuring our own security. Chapter 4 focuses on the spiritual incongruence between the nonobservant behaviors of so-called “Muslim” suicide attackers and their self-proclaimed religious motivations. Chapter 5 captures the role of economic exclusion and inequality— rather than poverty in isolation—and how current military interventions exacerbate the systemic and deeply entrenched conditions that we seek to overcome. Similarly, Chapter 6 provides evidence of the potency of social exclusion in violent radicalization, and why, rather than drive them out, we need to reintegrate the extremists into the folds of society. Acknowledging that many marginalized groups have not turned to terrorism, this chapter also reflects on other influencing factors like empathy and social injustice.
Chapter 7 may be emotionally difficult to read for some; it is both a factual and spiritual reflection on ethics, compassion, absolutism, and moral humility. In failing to recognize the perils of dehumanization and the justification of pursuing what we believe to be a noble outcome using immoral means, have we inadvertently embodied what we are fighting? Is counterterrorism simply terrorism by another name? Prior to being rendered stateless for his vocal political dissent in Saudi Arabia, Osama Bin Laden was described as a mild-mannered conflict arbitrator and incompetent idealist. What triggered Bin Laden’s transformation into one of the world’s most nefarious and destructive terrorists?
In seeking practical solutions, Chapter 8 looks at the data and evidence around the counterproductiveness of current counterterrorism strategies so we can better design policies that don’t manifest like a hydra—multiplying problems and grievances that take us one step forwards and hurl us three steps back. Chapter 9 displaces the common rhetoric of Islam as the fountainhead of fundamentalism—reframing it instead as a solution. Examples of peace practitioners and former extremists who have used the Quran to successfully deradicalize the likes of the chief imam of Boko Haram are highlighted, and this chapter cautions against the pitfalls of counternarrative campaigns.
Chapters 10–12 look to social entrepreneurship, public sector innovation, business solutions, and community interventions that have used the power of political, social, and economic inclusion to prevent violent extremism, making the case for these interventions and the need to support them with a greater mobilization of resources.
If terrorism is largely defined as the achievement of political objectives through using violence and intimidation, then we may consider how political accommodation and inclusion can inhibit or even end support for terrorist organizations. Chapter 10 looks at how countries like Indonesia—where the world’s largest Muslim population resides, numbering around 225 million people—massively decreased terrorism while paradoxically becoming more overtly religious, and how the Moroccan model of religious education has ranked it among the countries suffering “no impact from terrorism,” while Moroccan immigrants in Europe are among those most susceptible to violent radicalization.5 And with youth “forming the backbone of many paramilitary and terrorist organizations,” this chapter also shares examples of youth engagement through political and civic participation.6
Chapter 11 uncovers community-wide inclusive policies that have made cities like Mechelen resilient to radicalization—despite having the largest Muslim population in Belgium. Other examples capture the power of love and compassion in demobilizing terrorists whatever end of the spectrum they fall on: from Neo-Nazis to Black Septemberists (a ruthless terrorist group responsible for the infamous 1972 Munich Olympics massacre).
Chapter 12 explores the untapped role of business and entrepreneurship and highlights examples of development-based interventions that have successfully deterred terrorist recruitment—including some of the pitfalls of poor implementation. Chapter 13 concludes with the economics of peace and proposes a reframing and reinvention of our current approach to counterterrorism—challenging us to abandon self-imposed limitations and preconceived notions on what counterterrorism solutions should and could look like. Central to this refreshed approach to counterterrorism is the importance of collaborative, synchronized efforts between unlikely bedfellows—which leverages the social capital and human expertise of the peace-building community and pairs it with the military’s resources and aptitude for innovation and the strategic and financial muscle of mission-driven business approaches.
This book is my humble contribution to addressing one of our most urgent global threats. And although, at times, I may be critical of policies, it is to advance progress on an issue I am deeply passionate about, rather than to simply criticize or alienate politicians. I also wish to highlight the distinction between peoples, races, and religions and the actions of the governments that represent them.
And finally, in referring to the Prophet Muhammad and other prophets named in the book, it is customary in Islamic tradition to invoke blessings upon them by saying “Peace be upon him” or (pbuh) after their name. In this book, I consider this implicit and for the reader to utter as appropriate. Also, recall that in disassociating the “Islamic State” from religion, I refer to them using the Arabic acronym Daesh throughout this book.