Chapter Seven Drifting in the Miragesof the Tibetan Landscape

While completing the rough-cut of the documentary, Ensouling the Mountain, in early autumn 2012, I met up with Moshi and Pangzi in Beijing. Unlike when I had seen them in the mountains a few months prior, both now appeared healthy and spirited. Pangzi had recently returned from shooting a commercial for an instant noodle company in Shangrila, Yunnan, where he said he had no altitude reaction. Talking to him again, I recalled that what I enjoyed most while working with him was his enthusiastic interaction with host families at the foothills of Amne Machen. He often reciprocated with his singing of folk songs from his home province when Tibetan hosts sang. I wished he had hung on for a few more days when we were in the mountains. Moshi told me that since retreating from Amne Machen, he had been resting in Beijing. He regretted that he had been cranky about the food situation at the clinic and for the rest of the meeting Pangzi and I heard about his feelings after being in the mountains and the existential crossroad he was now facing.

Moshi confided to us that it was not the unavailability of warm Chinese food but a momentary existential breakdown that contributed to his sensitivity with the pilgrimage and the film crew. His professional direction was caught between directing and photography, yet after graduating from Beijing Film Academy with a degree in directing he had not yet laid his hands on a directing project. Thus far it was his skill in photography that had sustained his livelihood though he was really passionate about directing fiction films. In the mountains he found he was not used to taking orders and cues from me and my former Tibetan students and, in the meantime, the filming itself was physically and mentally too demanding in the midst of the unpredictably changing weather, terrain, and schedule. He admitted, “I was unable to synchronize my mood with our team as Tibet was becoming to me a harsh, unintelligible place, not romantic at all like the books I had read…” Moshi is well read in travel writings and fictions about Tibet. I recollect the book titles he mentioned having read: The Soul is Like the Wind (Ma 2007); A Vagabond in Tibet (Chai 2009a), The Tibet Code (He 2009), Tibet the Dreamland (Liu 2009), and The Tibetan Book of Love (Zhen Sheng 2010). These authors, after traveling or living in Tibet, tend to present Tibet as a hiding place, a far-off utopia and intimate shelter in which to narrate their life stories so the riddles, contradictions, frustrations and pains in life could naturally metamorphose into beauty, harmony, peace, and a desired romance in the immensity of the Tibetan earth and sky. Tibet was simultaneously a familiar and yet a strange place to Moshi. In my geo-anthropological terms the experienced landscape of Amne Machen shattered his preconceived mindscape of Tibet.

In this chapter, were I to follow in the footsteps of academic trends, I would be tempted to critique the “imagined Tibet” found in China that is similar to its Western counterpart in terms of self-indulgence, Orientalism, and consumption of Tibetan culture. For the time being, however, I’ll refrain, finding it too easy to point a finger at the imaginer, whether individual or collective, who complicates public representations of Tibet and Tibetans, whether the imaginer is from China or other parts of the world. Critiques of imagined Tibet in both Western and Chinese scholarly discourses seem to find satisfaction by critiquing the level of representation and the dichotomized power dynamic of the dominant and the dominated, as though discerning a representation of Tibet as Orientalist, fantastic, or commercial would put a stopper on the popular imagination and fantasizing. In fact, these critiques are drowned by recurrent and growing waves of popular fascination with Tibet, within China and beyond. The critiques themselves are re-imagined and re-appropriated for social and political uses, yet Tibet stands, its uniqueness portrayed in photos, films, literary narratives, and Dharma events.

Therefore I propose a post-Orientalist reading of the changing imaginaries of Tibet in the case of contemporary China. By “post-Orientalist” I mean to bracket the mutual siege of East vs. West in general, and of Tibet vs. the West and of Tibet vs. China in particular as found in the texts of Edward Said (1979), Donald Lopez (1998), Peter Bishop (1993), Dibyesh Anand (2008), Weirong Shen (2010), Hui Wang (2011), to name a few. Orientalism, a historical consciousness concerning power and representation, also manifests a few cultural universals across different human societies: strengthening self-identity by generalizing others, in-group solidarity built upon exoticizing others, and renewal of self through the perceived empowerment from an Other in a distant land. In the twenty-first century, as these cultural universals continue to be personalized in behaviors and thought-patterns of individuals it is increasingly difficult to discern who is the Orientalist and who is Orientalized. One person could be both. Everything is going in circles: Westerners Orientalize Chinese who Orientalize Tibetans; Westerners Orientalize Indians who Orientalize Tibetans; and in turn Chinese, Indians and Tibetans Orientalize themselves, when it suits them to fit into the Orientalized images of China, India, and Tibet. This is not a chicken-and-egg puzzle but is an observable phenomenon; Tibet as a place moves in and out of the mindscapes of both the Orientalizing and the Orientalized. In this case Orientalization is then synonymous with self-affirmation, otherization, exoticization, representation, invention, imagination, fantasization, internalization of the other, and externalization of the self. As elaborated in the introductory chapter, in the case of Tibet, most of these mental activities and their social materiality are place-induced, the result of someone’s travel or living in Tibet manifest in such imagination-inducing works as fictional accounts, travel writings, poetry, movies, etc.

With this said I would like to reiterate: place is antecedent to all sentient affairs on earth. It is present in memories, oral narratives, creative writings, and artworks, and on movie screens. It is also internalized in wishful thinking, dreams, hopes, and visions. The materiality and the spirituality of place are entangled and enmeshed with each other. Tibet is not an exception regarding the connectivity and entwinement of landscape and mindscape, but an example –and as such I present issues of how Tibet is simultaneously experienced as a concrete place and conceived in the mindscape of Tibetophiles in China. The social materiality of the latter in the form of literature, art, and commercials stimulates the potential for more travelers to Tibet and creates a recognizable collective desire that can be harnessed, frustrated, and then marketed in the commercial realms of tourism, entertainment, and arts, all in the name of Tibet. Tibet is a brand in China. It is both branding a particular mindscape with utopian attributes and branded as a tourist commodity.

In this chapter, I begin with my field experiences with American faculty members and students in Tibetan regions as indicators of the transnational and transpersonal nature of the commonly felt eco-aesthetic and eco-spiritual qualities of the Tibetan landscape which leaves a long-lasting mark in the mindscapes of visitors. I then engage in a critical reading of contemporary Tibetophiles’ writings in China that simultaneously express the potency of Tibet in imaginative, poetic, and personalized terms, and fashion out an expanding mindscape of Tibet as a collective vessel animated with longing, desire, escape, and paradisiacal solace.

7.1 Tibet, branding a mindscape of utopia

7.1.1 An American experience

In summer 2010, I led a travel seminar for U.S. scholars to Tibet with a theme of religion, ecology, and identity. None of the participating scholars were Tibet specialists; they had backgrounds in China studies, environmental studies, religious studies, and comparative literature. The purpose of the seminar was to have contemporary Tibet as a field case for curriculum development. All thematic, academic lectures and discussions were completed in Beijing before commencing travel to Tibet Autonomous Region. Tibet, in the seminar room, was a discursive subject matter addressed in individual lectures on such topics as Bonpo, the tradition of reincarnate lamas in Tibetan Buddhist history, mountain culture and its ecological implications, Sino-Tibetan Buddhist interactions, and imagined Tibet, among others. Intellectually, Tibet appeared graspable with these informative lectures and discussions: Tibet as a Buddhist nation, a place being modernized, and a place being imagined out of proportion in geopolitical and popular religious realms. In the meantime participants were anxious to set out to Tibet. In TAR, Tibet continued to be a subject of discussion and debate during breaks and in cafes and restaurants, but the actual landscape and monumental cultural sites drew many of the seminar participants into an emotional and poetic state of mind. While marveling at the ancient architecture of Lhasa and the visually striking Tibetan Buddhist motifs, everyone spent extra time at places where the natural landscape and human cultural elements were entwined, such as Yumbu Lhakang, Samye Monastery, and Drul Yelpa Caves.

At Drul Yelpa Caves, for instance, we initially scheduled a two-hour visit. In reality, we spent over four and an half hours there. The group walked uphill, visiting individual meditation caves, shrines, and the main Dharma hall together before eventually dispersing into solo explorations and small groups with common interests. The vista points outside individual caves, the terraced shrines and the main Dharma hall were the first places to captivate participants’ attention. The wide valley from which we had come was spectacularly imposing under the white clouds. The horizon was distant and yet intimately experienced by the senses from the fresh air mixed with the scent of juniper incense and the green, colorful rolling surface of the earth extending from where we stood to the edge of our vision. A comparative literature scholar remarked, “My eyes, vision, and the sight are one and the same.” Standing next to her, I felt mesmerized, too. The landscape was not merely visually touching and unified with the faculty of vision but was fully enveloping and invading each of us. To me, it was an experience of turning inside out and outside in, as if my body was becoming the body of the landscape itself and vice versa.

We further delayed our schedule when a senior monk invited us into a large meditation cave. It was the place that held us the longest, with most of the group taking the opportunity to try out Tibetan Buddhist style meditation. Noticing that many of us settled in like advanced meditators sitting on our cushions, he brought wool robes to cover our backs against the cold cave air. Donning the maroon wool robes had the result of unifying the meditative mood. Besides the faint cooing of a lone wild dove outside the cave, the only sound in the silence of the cave was everyone’s calm breathing. The religious backgrounds of these “advanced meditators” were agnostic, Baha’i, Buddhist, Christian, Confucianist, Muslim, and Taoist. They were not Western Dharma bums but were seriously playful when trying out a Tibetan mode of experiencing one’s inner world in a cave, the ultimate inner space of the earth. Tibet was no longer a discursive topic only but personalized in each of us, just as we meditated within it.

The travel seminar program was based on a field course I had taught about religion and ecology in contemporary China with a theme of tourist consumption of native landscapes in Southwest China and Tibetan regions. The collectively euphoric moments experienced by the faculty members were akin to those experienced by my American students. In the field, whether in Yunnan or Qinghai, American students were paired up with local students. In Yunnan our field sites were Lijiang and Shangrila. Qinghai and a few tourist sites in TAR were our Tibetan sites. My American students’ experiences in the townships of Suhe, a small town in Lijiang area, and Shangrila were similar in the sense that both places have almost identical urban landscape design and tourist infrastructure, e. g. cafes, bars, and teahouses with ethnic motifs. Their resemblance is expressed in the discernible architectural flavors and interior decorations, all of which are geared toward showcasing local authentic traditional cultures in fine masonry, carpentry, craftsmanship, and folk arts. Both places are compact and tourist-friendly, and yet send out a potent visual and haptic sense of time lag to visitors, as if they have traveled back in time to discover a place of a distant past undisturbed by the intrusions of the modern world.

In modern China tradition is often perceived in the past tense regardless of its coevalness with the contemporary world. In the tourism industry human talents are mobilized to utilize visual and haptic effects to temporalize a life style or a cultural motif as something from the past but they are spatialized in a well-crafted place that stimulates the senses and imaginative faculty of the visitor.

In Shangrila, paired up with local students, my American students explored the small but enchanting cityscape which receives over six million tourists annually (Li and Guo 2011). What they soon found out about this bustling township is that most houses along the streets are not residential quarters but shops, cafes, teahouses, restaurants, and art galleries, most of which are decorated with Tibetan prayer flags or other cultural symbols. The names of these businesses often contain words like “Tara,” “Tantra,” “Khampa,” “Makyi Ama,” “King Gesar,” and “Snowland.” Their owners vary from Khampas and Amdowas and Naxi to Han Chinese, Nepali, Indians, and Europeans. Interspersed among the Tibetan-looking businesses, one can find Western restaurants like Helen’s Pizza Ristorante and Socialist Bar. The cityscape of Shangrila is undoubtedly a recent creation for tourist consumption, a reconstructed “tradition” with a sense of adventure contained within an aesthetically pleasing and physically comfortable place. In comparison, those students who went to Qinghai yielded a different experience of Tibet. We mostly stayed in the homes of Tibetans in villages where there were no bars and teahouses. The absence of city lights and a bustling consumer environment presented us no other choice but to interact with our Tibetan host families. Our daily activities included herding goats up to the mountains in early mornings, helping village doctors dry and grind medicinal herbs, stacking up hay for winter’s fuel, soaking ourselves in hot springs with local Tibetans, taking lessons from elders about the geomancy of their villages and local sacred sites, hiking on goat trails up to surrounding mountains, and sitting around the kitchen fire at night. Culture shock and physical discomfort also accompanied many of my students who experienced gendered divisions of labor and differing social spaces for women and men, absence of shower facilities, and repetitive foods and drinks, e. g. noodle soups, salted black tea, and sheep meat. Taking a drive to a hotel in the nearest town for showers and laundry was often considered a “luxury trip” for those who needed a break from the lifestyle of their host families. The most memorable parts of my students’ experiences in Qinghai were their felt intimacy with local people, livestock, and landscape. One of my students wrote in her ethnographic assignment:

Milking yaks is women’s work, while slaughtering the yaks is the job of men. The yaks did not take kindly to the group of gawking Americans, and were skittish as we approached them. As the one female of the group, I was the one expected to do the milking. I crouched down and watched as a woman milked, though the yak’s long tangled hair obscured her hands, so I couldn’t see how she was actually milking. When she pulled the bucket out from below the yak I was expecting there to be much more milk than what I saw. I was impressed by how much effort it took for her to produce such a small quantity of milk. Suddenly the bounty of yak dairy products displayed on our table came to represent a lot of time and effort spent…After dinner it continued to snow, so Akhu Nima performed a ritual to ask the local deities for good weather. I had never witnessed any kind of Buddhist ritual or heard chanting before, so the experience was very new to me. In the middle of the night I woke up to go outside, and was astonished by what I saw. Since we’d arrived it had been snowing, so I was unaware of our surroundings, but now the snowstorm had passed, the moon had already set, and the stars were so bright that I could see in extraordinary detail the bent, snow-laden grass within the courtyard, and the illuminated hills beyond the village. The stars themselves were unbelievably bright, and more numerous than I had ever imagined. The beauty of the night sky left me speechless. The scene was so gorgeous it felt surreal, particularly with the haunting howls of faraway dogs… (Stone 2008).

My recollection of my students’ field experiences in Qinghai is not meant to make an arbitrary statement that Tibetan villages in Qinghai present a more organic Tibet than their counterpart in Yunnan. I admit that a part of my subjective engagement with Tibet is concerned with the idea of authenticity of what I experience, therefore I could imaginatively entertain the idea of an authentic Tibet; however, as a social scientist, it just does not work with the plain facts of the recent history of Tibet which has and continues to undergo China’s modernization in both ideological and physical senses. Tibetan society no longer adheres to the past pattern prior to the introduction of China’s socialist system in the middle of the last century. My students’ experiences in Yunnan and Qinghai are both authentic in their own ways.

On the Qinghai side, the authentic experience refers to the students’ direct living experiences with their host families, gender dynamics, culture shock, and communal intimacy. On the Yunnan side, it means the tourism-mediated experience of Tibet. In the township of Shangrila this “mediated Tibet” entered the minds of my students when they were sipping hot tea, drinking noodle soup, or walking on streets adorned with signs and symbols of traditional Tibet comprised of mostly Buddhist elements and motifs. Comparatively speaking, natural landscapes, especially those considered as scenic sites, are being fenced in as geological parks or natural reserves more rapidly in Shangrila than in Qinghai. However, regardless of these two differing authenticities, both the images and physical presence of Tibet impresses and even brands itself indelibly on the minds of its visitors as a stunning, luminous place of simplicity. I re-emphasize such an appearance of Tibet as the optical, environmental, and eco-spiritual phenomenon I attempt to articulate thus far by evoking my students’ experiences. It is not exclusively a Western experience shown in my American students’ experiences, but is transnationally and transpersonally found also in experiences of Chinese travelers.

7.1.2 A Chinese experience

It is worthwhile to dwell on the case of Shangrila a bit more in terms of how Chinese Tibetophiliac scholars’ experiences promote Tibet as a paradise on earth in China. The success story of the tourist development in Yunnan’s Shangrila could be equated with the success of marketing Zhongdian as Shangrila, the name invented by James Hilton in his bestseller fiction Lost Horizon (1933). The name change process began with the tourist industry and soon involved Zhongdian County and Yunnan provincial governments. Finally the State Council officially approved the new metamorphosis of Zhongdian into Shangrila (Luo 2002, 19) and since that time tourism has changed all aspects of this small township. In this process it seems indisputable that human imagination is materialized in a concrete place.

It could be well said that Hilton posthumously brings economic prosperity to Shangrila, his imaginative creation now part of the local economic miracle. Naturally, his Lost Horizon is once again a popular read among Tibetophiles in China. My American students purchased the book as a reference for their writing projects and it is readily found in bookstores and souvenir shops in Shangrila. The English version is reprinted and distributed by Yunnan People’s Publishing House. Next to the English version, I noticed four Chinese versions translated by Luo Cheng (1999), Hu Rui and Zhang Ying (2006), Bai Yixin and Zhao Jinqiu (2007), and Zhang Tao (2011). Bai Yixin and Zhao Jinqiu’s version published by Yunnan University Press interested me the most, with its pictorial additions of local scenery, architecture, and art. Landscape photos, portraits of unknown Tibetans, and travel route illustrations are inlaid together with the text of the translation, combining Hilton’s fiction with a pictorial guide book, giving the impression that the translators or the publisher intentionally conflate the fictionality of Hilton’s Shangrila with the reality of the local geography. In 2011, when I was flipping through the colorful pages at the bookstore, I asked the young salesperson, “Among the four Chinese versions which one is sold most?” The answer was, “This one!” – she pointed at the version in my hands. On the way back to Beijing that summer, I saw this translation again displayed visibly in the bookstores at the airports of Shangrila and Kunming.

What interests me about this Chinese version of Hilton’s fiction is not its pretentiously colorful page layout that has no direct correlation with the fiction’s storyline, but its introduction by Li Xu, a senior researcher at Yunnan Provincial Academy of Social Sciences and the author of Portraying Tibet: the Distant Horizon (1999) and Guests of Tibet (2000). Li titles his introduction as “The Not-Yet Disappeared Horizon,” an obvious reference to Hilton’s “Lost Horizon” in which the fictitious Shangrila is a lost but rediscovered paradise on earth. While he reminds readers that Hilton’s Shangrila is a fiction, Li establishes a common ground with Hilton by narrating his own story of the past eighteen years of wandering through the mountains, forests, and human communities in Shangrila as a concrete place. He writes:

This is where the difference lies between the British writer James Hilton and me. Hilton relied only on the experiences of a few explorers and missionaries to build up “Shangrila” in his fiction. This world-famous writer had never set foot on this magic piece of the earth. After careful reading of his famous fiction, I have finally found the fundamental common ground between us. We are both idealists seeking perfection. Both of us love and celebrate peace in life. The difference between us is: Hilton deposits his life and social ideals into his fictitiously constructed Shangrila whereas I set my soul and ideals, my feet and eyes concretely on the immense land of this region (Li 2007, 3).

Shangrila is apparently Li’s home away from home. He describes it to his readers with a flood of poetic phrases eulogizing the unique landscape of the Shangrila region – “exceptionally charismatic,” “soulful intoxication,” “supernatural tranquility,” “hearty delights,” “profoundly affecting,” and “wildly peaceful” (Li 2007, 3 – 5). His succumbing to the enchantment of Shangrila is visibly topophil-ic; he finds its landscape animated with supernatural powers of nature and thus it speaks to him with an irresistible sense of religiosity. Li narrates such a state of his mind in other passages:

That is a place that suddenly kindles one’s religious feelings and floods one’s mind with all kinds of wonder and imagination. In that place one is immersed in a kind of supernatural calm in which one hears one’s heartbeat, breath, and warm blood rushing inside the body…Boundless plains sit between snow mountains. As they open up to my eyes, their horizons expand further and further. The end of my vision is still filled with snow mountains. Above the mountains is the blue sky. The waist of the blue sky is wrapped with white clouds. Streams flowing over the plains carve out lines of the landscape moving with the waves of the wind. On a mid-summer day when yellow, purple, white, and all other colorful flowers bloom, a carpet of flowers adorns the earth as if all gems were inlaid in it. The fragrance of the flowers intoxicates one’s senses. Walking through the plains is like walking into the dreamworlds of little girls in fairytales (Li 2007, 4 – 5).

Reading between the lines I see how the physical landscape of the mountains and the plains conjoins Li’s mindscape and engages it in a poetic style. In the midst of clouds, wind, water, earth, flowers, and colors, the landscape’s horizon and his mindscape seem to move in unison. They are woven together with Li’s sense-scapes. Thus landscape enters mindscape, and vice versa. Shangrila brands Li’s mindscape of Tibet as “a utopia” (2007, 2) causing him to profess the same sentiment as other Chinese Tibetophiles.

In such writings, linear logic – that Tibet is imagined, marketed, and consumed – does not fully explain the heightened fascination of tourists, backpackers, artists, and writers toward Tibet. To reiterate what I have attempted to establish thus far, Tibet is, to start with, a power place. Commercial manipulations and fantastical projections of Tibet are preconditioned upon its geological, environmental, cultural, and eco-spiritual potency.

7.2 Tibet, branded as a dreamworld

In contemporary Tibetan studies in the West, Åshild Kolås’ Tourism and Tibetan Culture in Transition (2008) is the most comprehensive case study of Shangrila concerning how economic development weaves together sacred landscape and human imagination and that development’s subsequent impact on cultural identity. The chapters are interspersed with numerous critical phrases – “power place,” “imagination,” “authenticity,” “cultural commodification,” and “dreamscapes.” Kolås’ concern with native Tibetans’ wellbeing is the critical thread of her work. One of her keen observations is that Shangrila is a product of “cultural commodification” (Kolås 2008, 8) in China’s tourism industry, in which Tibetan culture has “become objects of preservation efforts, as well as products to be bought and sold in the global tourism market” (Kolås 2008, 25). In this dual course of human moral concern and commercial interest, Tibet is an object seized and branded simultaneously as a cultural heritage and a commodity to be exchanged for profit.

I also see Shangrila as an object of acquisition, manipulation, and consumption. In the meantime, in my fieldwork and in reading the literary narratives of Chinese Tibetophiles I regard it as the materiality of a utopian geography localized in Shangrila. Shangrila in this sense is interchangeably understood as an actual geographic location in Deqin Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture and Hilton’s fictional fantasy world built upon the Tibetan landscape. In many ways Shangrila is synonymous with Tibet except that it is localized in a smaller geographic place. It speaks for Tibet in both eco-religious and fantastical terms.

I find Kolås’ discussions on power place and dreamscape particularly revealing about the inherent correlation of the geographic Shangrila as a power place and Shangrila as “a space of dreams” (Kolås 2008, 104). This is clearly a set of landscape-mindscape relationships at work. In her study it is natural that she evokes Mt. Khawa Karpo as a gnas chen e9781614515531_i0262.jpg or a great sacred site, which indicates the power of Shangrila originating from its eco-religious reality. As discussed particularly in Chapter Two and Six the power is the perceived sacredness embedded in a landscape of religious significance. In the works of scholars such as Huber (1999) and Michaels (2003), the power of landscape is not merely the physical place of nature and human dwelling but is also a realm of gods, demons, and spirits – a range of sentient beings who are invisible but have felt presence in the human psyche. This knowledge of the Tibetan landscape is commonplace among native Tibetans and scholars of Tibetan landscape studies; however, in the case of how Shangrila has become a desirable tourist destination and a place of dreams, this eco-religious dimension of the Tibetan landscape is not frequently referenced in the marketing of Shangrila’s fantastical qualities to potential tourists across China and beyond. Instead, a set of positive aesthetics and earth-inspired spiritual terms in travel writings, literary works, and commercial advertisings build Shangrila as a mindscape of its own.

When I was in Shangrila with my students for our 2008 field course, it was already a well-established tourist town. Like my students, I heard the story that everything began with Sun Jiong, a young tour guide in the late 1990s. The story related that when he was taking a national standards test for tour guides in Beijing a question caught his fascination: “Which part of Yunnan does ‘Shangrila’ refer to?” His answer was Deqin Tibet Autonomous Prefecture. Another version of the story also began with Sun Jiong but the difference is in the test question he encountered: “Which language does the word ‘Shangrila’ come from in the Himalaya regions?” His answer was Tibetan but as soon as he came back from Beijing he began to study Hilton’s fiction and felt his imagined Shangrila had to be in Deqin.

In 2011 when I returned to Shangrila in spring and summer for the field course and a faculty workshop on landscape and ecology, I brought up the story of Sun Jiong to a staff member of an environmental NGO, our collaborating institution based in Shangrila. She responded, “Sun Jiong isn’t just a tour guide. The whole Shangrila came out of his design. He now works in the central government in Beijing.” She then recommended Tang Shijie’s writings. According to her, Tang has been a close friend of Sun’s since the late 1990s. Becoming a prolific writer since that time, his fiction and investigative journalism works include The Plateau’s Sun (1985), The Magic Cave (1989), Soul Sways in the Wind: Shangrila from Fantasy to Reality (1999), and Musing Yunnan (2001). Based on his interview with Sun Jiong, Tang tells his readers:

In February 1991 a Chinese translation of Lost Horizon was published by Guangdong Tourism Press but the title of the book was changed to Shangrila. Surprisingly, a few years later feverish search for Shangrila began in Kunming, the spring city of Southwest China. A graduate of Yunnan University in economics, the then twenty-seven year old Sun Jiong was the marketing manager of an international tour company in Yunnan. In 1995 Sun Jiong participated in the National Best Tour Guide Test in Beijing. One of the test questions was about the geographic origin of the English word “Shangrila.” The explanatory part of the question said the word first came from a British fiction called Lost Horizon about a story taking place in a Tibetan area in Southwest China. The sharp-minded Sun Jiong immediately thought of his home province Yunnan, “Would Shangrila be in the Tibetan region of Yunnan?” Upon returning to Kunming he found the book Shangrila. Pondering over James Hilton’s question at the end of the story – “Do you think he [the protagonist Conway] will ever find it [Shangrila]?” Sun Jiong said to himself, “I must find it. I will find it!” (Tang 2006).

The rest of the story is that Sun had an exploratory trip to Deqin Tibet Autonomous Prefecture in 1996. While there, he met with Gasang Dondrub, then the Party Secretary of the Prefecture. They hit it off on the idea of renaming Zhongdian as Shangrila. Later that year the Prefecture started its tourism development initiative in the region with the approval from Yunnan provincial government and the following year the provincial government made a public statement that Shangrila was located in the Prefecture. The rest of the storyline is identical to that of Kolås’ findings. What is critical to me is Tang’s emphatic point: “Shangrila began as a dream. When people search for it in this real world, they enter a new dreamworld. The discovery and confirmation of Shangrila in Deqin Prefecture is not the end of the dream but is a renewal and re-blossoming of the dream” (Tang 2006).

To be noted, Sun Jiong joined the governing body of Shangrila County in 1997. He started out as an assistant county governor, became a deputy governor, and then a secretariat of Deqin Prefecture (Tang 2006). He was an integral part of engineering Shangrila as “a dream project.”

This project is the result of the state-corporate alliance but it rested upon the existing popular enchantment of Tibet in China. It involves not only China’s tourism industry but also its entertainment world and publishing business. Tang’s ten-year screenwriting project – Shangrila – co-authored with Liu Jinyuan and Wang Zifu, was finally premiered at CCTV on May 6, 2011 as a thirty-six episode TV show. Tang initiated this grandiose project with Deqin Prefecture at the turn of the century and it was later financed by the Propaganda Department of Yunnan Province and commercial film conglomerates like Beijing Yangguang Shengtong Media Art, Zhejiang Huace Film and TV, and Yunan Yunding Film and TV (Zheng 2011). This multi-episode TV show tells a love story of a Tibetan tribal chief’s daughter in 1936. One of the critical characters in the story is an American pilot who falls in love with the chief’s daughter. This character seems to have been developed as a conflation of Hilton’s protagonist Conway and Colonel Claire Lee Chennault, a retired U.S. air force officer serving as Chiang Kai-shek’s chief air adviser in the 1930s. Chennault, in China, is better known for his leading the “Flying Tigers,” a group of American volunteer pilots fighting the Japanese in Southwest China. Interestingly, the American character in the TV show is also named Conway. The teaser before each episode begins with an aerial shot of mountains with the view moving down to the grassland territory of nomads on horseback, coupled with a song:

In the distant horizon
There lie beautiful sacred mountains.
That place is called Shangrila –
The home of our heart and dream!
Shangrila –
You are a colorful dream…(Jiang 2011)

The teaser bears the creative signature of Tang and his co-authors.

“Dreaming Shangrila is a complex, networked project,” said one Tibetan scholar at a university in Kunming in a lecture to my students about the recent economic history of Shangrila. As a native of Shangrila he advocated the state and commercial promotion of his hometown; however, I noticed that his intent was not set on the dreaming part of this grand tourism project but rather on raising the standard of living among the local population, an aspect I will return to shortly. By “networked” he meant that Shangrila instantly became a meeting ground of multiple mutual interests that intersected at the tail end of the last century from both local and provincial governments and a range of venturesome companies. Both Deqin Prefecture and Yunnan provincial government made off-the-book promises to those companies that offered finances to their feasibility study of future investment and tourist resource evaluations. Hong Thai Travel Services of Singapore, Chongqing Textile Holding Group, Ningbo Firskids Holding Group, Chongqing Beer Holding Group, and China Everbright Group were among the companies promised with favorable terms for their investments in Shangrila. The appraisal of the tourist value of Shangrila was published: 50 billion RMB (Luo 2002, 19; He 2010, 82). This is the monetary value of Shangrila as a commercial brand.

A little over a decade later this state-sanctioned dream project is reaping abundant profits from the expanding tourism in Shangrila. In 1996 the tourist revenue of Shangrila (then called Zhongdian) was 80 million RMB from 174,200 tourists. In 1997 the revenue jumped to 150 million, nearly double from the previous year with 540,000 tourists contributing to the increase. Two years later the revenue reached 540 million RMB as Shangrila received 1.1 million tourists. In 2001 the revenue was 900 million RMB (Tang 2006). In 2008, 4.3 million tourists poured into Shangrila. The revenue that year was 1.8 billion RMB. The annual growth rate of Shangrila’s tourism was approximately 30 % (He 2010, 82) between 2000 and 2010. If this growth rate is maintained, it will take less than five years for Yunnan Province and its investors to cash in the initially estimated total value of Shangrila.

The commercial branding of Shangrila has been obviously successful. Besides the “masterminds” like Sun Jiong, Gasang Dondrub, and Tang Shijie, Yunnan Provincial Shangrila Project Research Team also deserves credit for this success. In 1997 the specialists of the Team from Renmin University, Yunnan Center for Economic Studies, and Yunnan Social Sciences Academy concluded in their report that the spirit of Shangrila is reflected in “both the Oriental utopia depicted in Lost Horizon and the theme of the eternal peace and simplicity, and harmonious relationships between people and nature [in Shangrila]” (Luo 2002, 20). On September 9, 2010, the front page of Yunnan Daily featured a brief article on the success of Shangrila’s tourism. The reporters characterized the brand of Shangrila as “the most ideal home of humankind” (Yang and Li 2010).

7.3 Seeking material empowerments in the dreamworld

Shangrila, branded as a dreamworld, is an economic miracle for Deqin Prefecture and Yunnan Province. The local economic development has obviously entered the phase of continuing growth. But the question remains: while many tourists, lone travelers, writers, and artists feel a sense of homecoming when they arrive in the township of Shangrila or walk into the awe-inspiring landscape of the surrounding mountains, do local residents also feel empowered by the perceived fantastical quality of their homeland?

In Kolås’ study, Shangrila’s economic leap-forward activates the agency of local Tibetans in the arena of identity reclamation. Because this unique brand of tourism is dependent upon anything Tibetan, it then inadvertently supports the public presence of Tibetan identity, as Kolås writes, “Tibetans can be seen as ‘winners’ of this ‘representational game,’ because Shangrila is reaffirmed, with the help of tourism, as a ‘Tibetan’ place” (Kolås 2008, 120). Her focus is on the authenticity of Tibetan culture sought by both local Tibetans and tourists. Reading through her last chapter “Tourism, Place-making and Tibetan Identity” I am not able to piece together an authentic Tibet either from the tourist angle or from the eyes of local Tibetans; however I understand her critical question –“Authentic for whom?” (Kolås 2008, 124) based on my work and living experience in Beijing, Qinghai, southern Gansu, and western Sichuan. To me, the question of authenticity is synonymous with the question of primordiality in the search for “authentic” Tibetan culture in contemporary China. Like other subjects of different ethnic origins, Tibetans have gone through a series of socialist reforms and modernization programs. In the twenty-first century Tibetans are becoming more mobile, too. They travel or relocate themselves to other parts of Tibet or to urban China. In the meantime their local Tibetan identity is increasingly becoming a Pan-Tibetan identity in the midst of China’s expanding market economy into Tibetan regions.

The case of Shangrila, then, is not an exception but another instance of how the market economy generates political currency for Tibetans to reclaim their cultural identity. In comparison with Tibetan counties in Qinghai and southern Gansu, Tibetans in Shangrila appear to be the winners of this political currency when considering their relatively lower demographic percentage in the county. My question is – “In what ways do they authentically represent their native culture?” I raise this question out of my observation of the generically “Tibetanized” township of Shangrila. This Tibetan appearance is easily found in Lhasa, Lab-rung, Langmusi, or Kangding. Kolås’ question of “Authentic for whom?” raises another question, “Who is authenticating local Tibetan culture?”

Without more sustained fieldwork and access to other statistics, I cannot answer these questions or solve these macro-assessment puzzles. What I can share with my readers are my ethnographic encounters in Shangrila, which I hope are informative of how the dialectics of outsiders’ Tibetanization and local Tibetans’ de-Tibetanization are manifested in the materiality of this spectacular dream project. Shangrila, as a dream project, was initiated mostly by outsiders, and most businesses in town are owned by outsiders. The complex consequences of Shangrila as an unprecedented tourist development are a puzzle, but it is likely that mostly outsiders are “Tibetanizing” Shangrila as their commercial interests depend on such an image. In my field experience I find local Tibetans are caught in a neither-nor state of being: while their “Tibetanization” in appearance reinforces their ethnic image, it is, in practice, rather de-Tibetanizing them especially concerning the use of Tibetan language, as the entanglement of their livelihood with the tourist economy obliges them to speak Mandarin and/or English.

Norbu, in his mid-thirties, was a driver for my field class in Shangrila. Self-employed, his 2007 Land Cruiser was his primary means of livelihood. On the third day of our trip, on the way to a nature reserve park in the mountains, I sat next to him. Finding that it would be a four hour drive, I pulled out my Tibetan grammar book from my backpack. He asked me what I was reading and when I showed him the cover of the book he chuckled, “You’re supposed to recite it loudly!” “Where are you at now?” he continued. I replied, “I’m at the comparative forms.” Norbu started reciting, “nas-las-vbyung-khungs-dgar-sdud-de, vbyung-khungs-dngos-la-gang-sbyar-vthus…I’m helping you memorize it…” I went along with him reciting the “grammar formulas” in the book multiple times. He was like a school teacher when he explained the formulas. He then said, “You don’t really need Tibetan to do your research here. Many of us [Tibetans] don’t speak it much now. English and Mandarin are most useful here in Shangrila.” Impressed with his knowledge of the text, I asked, “Were you a teacher before?” “I was a monk at Songtsenling Monastery for fourteen years. I memorized the grammar book when I was fifteen,” he replied.

In retrospect I think it is not Norbu and his companions who do not want to speak their native tongue on a daily basis, but rather the sphere of their livelihood in Shangrila’s tourist industry that presents little opportunity for them to speak it. Instead, as he said, Mandarin and English are favored in Shangrila, being the lingua francas for domestic tourists of China and international visitors from other countries. I felt for Norbu, living in a town that is Tibetan in appearance but that has been “Tibetanized” merely for the commercial consumption of Tibetan culture. Based on my reading of the writings of Tang Shijie, Li Xun, Liu Jinyuan and others, the physical transformation of Shangrila township was a purely imaginative engineering. The purpose, as Tang Shijie’s co-author Liu Jinyuan says, was “to translate popularity into productivity” (Liu 2009), justifying Tibet’s magnificence being turned into a range of consumer products. Liu recollects his walk in the township in 1999 with Chelhata, then governor of Deqin Prefecture and now Party Secretary of Lhasa Municipality:

On an early evening of spring 1999 Chelhata brought me to a dilapidated residential area on the edge of the county seat [new town]. Broken walls lay scattered in the twilight. Birds were flying over our heads back to their nests. Chelhata said to me, “This is Dukezong, a thousand-year-old ancient town. We must restore it and show its new vitality!” When we walked back to the new town, we saw the street full of pale tiled buildings. He remarked, “Don’t we often say the more ethnic we are the more international we will be? We must tear off these tiles and replace them with a Tibetan look (Liu 2009).

In the next few years the old town was restored and the generic modern look of the new town began to change to a Tibetan appearance. Chelhata “shapeshifted” both the old and new towns, and made both look “traditional” and thus tourist-ready.

The course of Norbu’s life was also undergoing transformations at the turn of the century. Norbu left Songtsenling Monastery in 2003 at the age of twenty-nine. In the early 1990s he already worked on the side as a tour guide for individual travelers, most of whom were nature photographers, writers, and university professors from big cities in China. He made friends with them and often when they came back to Shangrila they would look for him again. In 1998 he bought a used Beijing Jeep, expanding his livelihood as both a driver and a guide but finding it impossible to continue as a monk given his frequent absence from the monastery and the questionable ethics of making money. Since then he had changed his vehicle three times, paying nearly half a million RMB for the Land Cruiser out of his savings and earnings from selling some of his family yaks and free range pigs. He felt lucky because he was self-employed while many from his village made 60 to 100 RMB a day if they and their horses were hired by tour companies for tourists’ horse rides. He made 600 –1000 RMB a day depending on how he negotiated with his clients. Norbu looks like a winner, benefitting from Shangrila’s tourism but from a cultural preservation perspective his economic transformation is a loss to Tibetan culture in both religious /cultural and linguistic senses.

Two days after returning from the mountains the class visited Eco-Village, a community center two miles outside Shangrila Township that had been built by an environmental NGO. Riding in Norbu’s Land Cruiser again, he told me his home village was not too far from the community center. When we arrived three staff members greeted us. One was a temporary worker from a local village and the other two, a thangka artist and a literacy teacher, were Tibetans from Qinghai. My students, who were anticipating interactions with local Tibetans were divided into three smaller groups for thangka painting, embroidery, and circle dance. Not having a lot of enthusiasm for such programmed activities, they slowly slipped out of the center and found themselves sitting on the pasture outside enjoying the late morning sun. I took the opportunity to find out more about how Eco-Village operated in Shangrila.

Norbu and the thangka artist showed me around the center and from them I learned that it was initially built as a showcase of sustainable living and a learning center for promoting Tibetan literacy, gender equality, and environmental awareness to local Tibetans. However, these ideas were not fully materialized. For various reasons villagers rarely showed up at the community center so Eco-Village began to use the space to receive visitors, host conferences, and as rental space for university field projects. I circled the center built on the edge of a village opening to a large pasture connected with the foothills of a few high mountains. Its architecture is similar to the houses in the neighboring village but larger in scale. The interior is designed with Tibetan motifs but with a hybridized urban flavor, e. g. spot lights, mini-bar, multimedia equipment, and built-in speakers. The thangka artist quipped that what was “eco-” about this community center was its “eco-restroom” with composting toilets which used sawdust. Eco-Village positioned itself to teach and transfer ecological know-how from elsewhere to local Tibetans without consideration of the fact that Tibetans have their own knowledge about the human-earth relationship. In this case I wondered how much time a family would spend on making saw dust for the toilet and why Eco-Village did not initiate a project to systematically collect local knowledge about sustainable living.

Scholars and journalists in China also conduct serious studies of the materiality of Shangrila as a world of dreamers. Like Kolås, they recognize the rapid economic growth. When it comes down to cultural aspects of Shangrila, many of them use the phrase zengquan e9781614515531_i0263.jpg or “empowerment” in their discussion of the current state of local Tibetans. Most of them acknowledge the economic empowerment of Shangrila to Tibetans (Guo 2010, 76) but in the cultural arena some of them point out that the illiteracy rate of Tibetans is still at 59.34 % (Luo 2002, 23) and that “As Mandarin is widely promoted, many Tibetans no longer speak their native tongue, especially young people” (He 2010, 83). In relation to the identity issue of local Tibetans, some Chinese scholars argue that local Tibetans have more pride in their culture (Guo 2010, 81), while others say this identity empowerment is a matter of “pure commercial performance” (He 2010, 83). With all things considered in the making of Shangrila, this “pure performance” is undoubtedly catering to non-Tibetans’ consumption of Tibetan culture and landscape.

7.4 Drifting in the Mirages of the Tibetan Landscape

7.4.1 Geo-poetic affordance

Tibet is simultaneously branded as a commodity and branding a mindscape of dreams and fantasies in China (Kolås 2008). Meanwhile, I argue that Tibet as an actual geographic-cultural place plays the antecedent role in expressing itself as a power place and generating an earth-inspired spirituality in China and elsewhere. As Sun Jiong and his subsequent government supporters “authenticated” at the outset, Shangrila stands as a replica of Hilton’s fictive Shangrila: “a silent serenity,” “concentrated loveliness,” “a deep unrippled pool,” and “a living essence, distilled from the magic of the ages and miraculously preserved against time and death” (Hilton 2006, 242, 261). The geo-poetic nature of Hilton’s fiction is reproduced in contemporary Shangrila, but at the outset, it is the place itself that inspired imagination and was then the setting for making imagination present.

Reading through Lost Horizon, I find that Hilton’s Shangrila is not entirely his own creation. He references and fictionalizes personal accounts of Antonio de Andrada, Athanasius Kircher, Jean de Thévenot, and Cassiano Beligatti, who traveled to Tibet as missionaries and explorers in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (Hilton 2006, 144–145). Hilton’s cultural portrayal of Shangrila is a mini-Tibet to which was ascribed a “lamasery,” “theocracy,” and “the heathen Tibetan” (Hilton 2006, 144, 154, 189). These terms reflect the cultural conception of Tibet in the West in his time. Tibet was not absent in Western cultural consciousness in the 1930s; thus his fictional writing possesses a detectable amount of factual representation of Tibet from credible sources. Tibet as an actual place spoke to him indirectly through the writings of missionaries and explorers. Thus, Hilton embeds his findings from secondary sources into his characters. For example, in one scene, Conway, the protagonist in Lost Horizon, walks into the night under the silver moon:

Suddenly, on a flutter of air, came sounds from far below. Listening intently, he could hear gongs and trumpets and also the massed wail of voices. The sounds faded on a veer of the wind, then returned to fade again. But the hint of life and liveliness in those veiled depths served only emphasize the austere serenity of Shangrila. Its forsaken courts and pale pavilions shimmered in repose from which all the fret of existence had ebbed away, leaving a hush as if moments hardly dared to pass. Then, from a window high above the terrace, he caught the rose-gold of lantern light; was it there that the lamas devoted themselves to contemplation and the pursuit of wisdom…(Hilton 2006, 154 – 155).

I add the italics to indicate that his poetic and theatrical prose is sustained by his knowledge of Tibetan Buddhism enacted in a monastery: monks’ chanting in unison, the golden light from the butter lamps, and their devotion to meditation and enlightenment. In fact this monastic scene under the moonlight could be found in many places in contemporary Tibet. Hilton did not go to Tibet but Tibet entered his mindscape through the travel writings of missionaries and explorers he read before writing his fiction.

This is what I refer to as “the mirage effect” of place, which bounces from landscape into mindscape, and can eventually become a creative motor in the human mind. In the literal sense a superior mirage is an illusory image of an actual place projected in the sky by the atmospheric refraction of light; thus it is both illusory and real. Its visual effect often sparks awe, marvel, and imagination. In the context of contemporary Tibet, the mirage effect refers to a range of images, publicly shared imaginations, literary works, and creative arts, which portray Tibetan landscape, people, culture, and religious practices based on personal accounts of travel and work experiences in Tibet. Unlike Hilton’s Shangrila or Tibet drawn from secondary sources, the “mirages” of Tibet in the mindscape of writers like Li Xun or Tang Shijie are often a combination of their own travel experience, culturally-conditioned perceptions and images, and inner responses to all external inputs in imaginative, poetic, or intellectual terms. These “mirages” do not stop or fade into the horizon of the individual mindscape but become present in the social realm through the person’s creative activities. In the context of Tibet, the mirage becomes a shared mindscape with a life of its own, generative and contagious in nature.

The Chinese mirage-makers of Tibet are a special group of Tibetophiles. Most of the authors and artists I have mentioned so far belong to this unique class of people whose literary works and creative arts based on their personal experiences in Tibet are widely published in China. In their careers they have been zangpiao (藏漂) or “Tibet drifters,” meaning that they have lived or traveled in a Tibetan region for at least a year or longer. The phrase “Tibet drifter” is an established term in contemporary China, indicating Tibet-inspired New Age spirituality among Chinese. Mainstream media, such as Xinhua Net and Baidu, also recognize this Tibet-based popular trend. Xinhua News featured an article in 2009 titled “Tibet Drifters in Lhasa: In Search of a Spiritual Home.” The reporters wrote, “Tibet drifters are a part of the special cultural landscape of Lhasa. These drifters from outside Tibet reflect the unique spiritual charm of Lhasa” (Liu and Cao 2009). These two sentences are identical to what is written in Baidu Encyclopedia about Tibet drifters. It is not clear who cites whom; however, both sources highlight the spiritual aspect of the “drifting.” Baidu Encyclopedia says, “Tibet drifters are those who work, live or travel in Tibetan regions of China but are not residents of Tibet…They roam between the sky and the earth of Tibet, and on the streets of Lhasa searching for ‘Shangrila’ in their ideals and for what was once lost in their souls” (Baidu). A very popular recent writing of a Tibet drifter is titled Tibet Drifting published by Oriental Publishing Center based in Beijing (Mu 2012). The author Mu Ge, a scholar specializing in Western philosophy, lived in Tibet for four years as an aid worker. He wrote the book, a fictional story, in which the breathtaking Tibetan landscape is a space where his characters express the sense of spiritual homelessness and existential meaninglessness all too common in modern urban China.

In discussing Tibetophiles and their mirages of Tibet, I wish to re-emphasize Gibson’s idea of affordance concerning place-organism relationship, which is generally understood as how a given environment provides organisms with that which fulfills its utilitarian needs. In relation to humans, an affordance of place often goes beyond the utilitarian dimension, as Gibson writes, “The perceiving of an affordance is not a process of perceiving a value-free physical object to which meaning is somehow added in a way that no one has been able to agree upon; it is a process of perceiving a value-rich ecological object” (Gibson 1986, 140). Among the elements the Tibetan landscape affords the mirage-makers in China are light, color, mountainous topography, space, and water in the forms of glaciers, ice, lakes, rainfall, rivers, and snow, with all of these elements becoming mediums of their thoughts, imaginations, fantasies, and soulful narratives. Mirage in the mindscape is thus also an optical phenomenon manifested as visions, dreams, and imaginations transmitting the real and the illusory simultaneously. When place-rooted ecological and cultural elements enter the mindscape of the Tibetophile, they become a unique type of affordance allowing the mirage-maker to transform the Tibetan landscape into a geo-psychic terrain of his own making imbued with emotions, sentiments, existential conditions, and spiritual states, all unique to himself and his own social environment. This mirage of Tibet emerges as a poeticized, romanticized, reshaped, or re-appropriated Tibet; a special domain in which the self of the mirage-maker is environed and finds its lost soul restored in the land as a spiritual Other. I call this particular type of affordance “the geopoetic affordances” signifying the value-rich and value-added Tibetan landscape with all things included: the geological, the geographic, the meteorological, cultural, social, psychological, religious, spiritual, the medical… you name it.

The mirage effect from the writings and artworks of many influential Tibetophiles in China has a clear pattern of simultaneous transposition, transference, entwinement, division, and polarization between the mirage-maker as Self and the perceived/experienced Tibet as the Other. On one hand the Tibetan landscape as an Other overpowers the consciousness of the mirage-maker and subjects it to a confessional mode of being. On the other hand the mirage-maker remaps and re-projects the Tibetan landscape as an archetypal spiritual destiny or an ever-expanding horizon of a heroic journey. This dialectical poeisis of Tibetan landscape and the Tibetophile’s mindscape expresses itself in the dualities of escape and reunion, ailment and healing, failure and triumph, doubt and confidence, reverence and condescendence, and frontier and centrality.

7.4.2 Utopian attributes of Tibet

The materialization of Hilton’s Shangrila in Yunnan over the last decade has been premised on the existing popular fascination of Tibet in China known as xizangre (e9781614515531_i0264.jpg) or “Tibet fever.” This popular fascination has been reshaped, redirected, and refunneled into the tourism industry as a consumer desire for a paradisiacal place of beauty, magnificence, and peace – or simply as what Chinese travel writers often refer to as “the last pureland on earth.” This advertising motif parallels the publication of creative works by Tibet drifters, or rather Tibet mirage-makers in this case. Herein I draw a fine line between the mirages of Tibet floating in commercial images and literary works, arts, and motion pictures, and the Tibetan landscape itself. With persistence I emphasize that it is the landscape that empowers the mirage-makers with its visually-stunning and spiritually awe-inspiring qualities. Non-Tibetans’ narratives about Tibet have never been absent of these qualities since the Jesuit missionaries of the seventeenth century and later explorers and seekers set eyes on it. In actuality many parts of Tibet could be named after Hilton’s Shangrila.

Prior to the formal state recognition of Zhongdian as Shangrila, there already existed the talk of a Greater Shangrila in the neighboring territories of Sichuan, TAR, and Yunnan (Hu 2010, 1), not to mention other Tibetan regions whose astonishing landscapes resemble or even surpass Hilton’s Shangrila. These breathtaking places were (are) just inaccessible for tourists because of natural barriers of waters and high mountains and the absence of infrastructural support to accommodate the massive number of tourists locations such as Shangrila and Lhasa now absorb annually. For instance, in the eye-witness accounts of individual travelers and exploratory writers, the pre-1997 Shangrila was “very primitive, very poor, very cold and lacking oxygen, but had immense mountains, large rivers, expansive grasslands, and big forests” (Zhang 2007, 48). It was a place that had a “stunningly beautiful landscape but was extremely poor, and was socially harmonious but behind the times” (Liu 2009).

What I am arguing here is: Tibet was (is) a utopia in the topographical sense. Its utopian attributes continue to stream into the public sphere of China through the works of mirage-makers like Tang Shijie and Li Xun. I see the conflation of their personal fantasies and dreams with Tibet, but it is absolutely critical to me that I illustrate how the mirage-makers re-possess Tibet as the space of their own nostalgia, dreams, and visions – the illusory components reflective of their personal and social conditions. For the following paragraphs I make a legitimate supposition that Tibet, as a utopia, was not as a fictitiously perfect human society as the word “utopia” often signifies but a place with natural barriers limiting access to outsiders in the past and so it was able to retain a cultural uniqueness in addition to some degree of protection from environmental degradation. Thus, utopia in this part of the chapter is a toponym that has a corresponding topography of horizons, frontiers, edges, gaps, and in-betweens (Marvin 1993, 407–408) that constitute its inaccessibility but which possess potentially contagious poeisis and sublime inspiration that provokes psychic and spiritual responses from those who come into contact with it. This is the moment when the self of the mirage-maker recreates itself in the otherness of Tibet. In this process a topographical utopia is turned into a fantastical utopia of the mindscape.

7.4.3 Escape, self-exile and metamorphosis in “magical Tibet”

Chai Chunya, the writer I reference in the introductory chapter, is now a celebrated author and a documentary filmmaker. His popular recognition rests upon his lived experience in Tibet from which he has drawn his creative inspiration. His works are going beyond Mainland China and are distributed in Taiwan and Europe. “Tibet fever” is spreading widely in China; however, the number of the mirage-makers of Tibet is only a handful. The “chic” group in Beijing are not found in academia but comprise a small number of creative writers, artists, and filmmakers, such as Tsewang Norbu, Dai Wei, Xie Fei, and Ma Lihua; however their publications and artworks reach a wide audience in China. Through Pema Tseden and Tsewang Norbu I met Chai in 2009. Subsequently he visited my class at Minzu University. In 2010 he gave me his A Vagabond in Tibet (2009a) and Red Sheepskin Book of Tibet (2009b), both of which were published in Taiwan. Expecting more robustly forthcoming accounts of his experience in Tibet regardless of his fictional rendition of it, I was nevertheless impressed with his narrative skill and creative talents that brought me into the world of his Tibet – a “magical Tibet” as he calls it (Chai 2009b, 9). In this magical Tibet, the grass is green, the snow is white, and the sky is blue; however, it is revealed more as the psychic field of the author than the actual ecological and cultural world of Tibet. Its imagery is woven together with the author’s felt sense of loneliness, wilderness, harshness, barrenness, primitiveness, nakedness, uncertainty, poverty, exile, silence, and spiritual rebirth. Chai’s Vagabond is particularly telling of his Tibet journey as a journey of being saved and reborn as a new person. Chai writes:

At a snail’s pace you enter the grassland like a water droplet rejoining a ripple on a lake or like a cloud merging into the sky. In the abstract sense your entry into the grassland is an entry into quietude as a hermit who voluntarily leaves behind the city noises or as a misanthropist. You are indulging in self-exile. In your vagrant journey you find art and in your own flesh you see a new will to survive. In the eyes of bystanders this journey is perhaps a flight, an escape, and a betrayal to the city, or a graceful gaze before diving into nature where you find refuge and homecoming (Chai 2009a, 38).

The affordance of the Tibetan landscape to his poetic prose is self-evident, but when he enters Tibet, or “nature” in this case, it is not all home-like. It rather becomes a place “totally separated from the world,” as he continues his narrative:

This place has no electricity, no telecommunication, and is absent of everything modern civilization has. This is an exile in a distant land, a Dostoyevsky-like exile as if you were in Siberia – a place where prisoners lose their freedom, except without high walls, torture, shackles, soldiers, and a sadistic warden. Neither are you surrounded by thieves, murderers, snitches, and professional revolutionaries here…This is a self-exile, an escape from the modern city. It gives you complete loneliness, imprisons you where you stand, and separates you from modernization. This is a self-internment for refusing conformity and pollution. This is liberation of the soul in the company of Kerouac on Desolation Peak. With poet Gary Snyder’s arrangement Kerouac spent half a year as a fire lookout on top of Desolation Peak in the Cascade Mountains. Snyder gave him an opportunity to experience Zen mind, Zen flesh, and Zen bones in loneliness; to be in the company of 180,000 Buddhas scattered out in the universe; and to take residence in a mandala, in Buddha Nature and Emptiness, and in eternity in a flash (Chai 2009a, 112 – 113).

In this narrative Tibet becomes a time lag, a marginal space, a harsh, desolate passage for a neophyte to complete a rite. What is obvious is that Tibet is not at all as animated as the “nature” he dived into earlier; instead it is metaphorized as a self-built prison for a spiritual breakout or break-through. I wonder if Tibetans are permanent prisoners in “Dostoyevsky-like exile.” In any case, this Tibet is the ground on which the author edifies himself to a spiritual peak experience with Jack Kerouac. Chai shapeshifts Tibet into Kerouac’s Desolation Peak – a passage to the universe of enlightened beings. In truth Kerouac spent a summer not half a year on Desolation Peak. In the end the solitude on the Peak was too much to bear and he “wrote to Snyder that his Buddhism was dead” (Tonkinson 1995, 27). Kerouac’s writings are spiritually inspiring but his Buddhist destiny still remains unclear, posthumously. After descending from Desolation Peak, depression, alcoholism, and a split spiritual state between basic Buddhist morality and his perceived omnipresence of Zen mind in alcohol and sex accompanied him as he expressed in The Dharma Bums (Kerouac 1986).

Chai’s Vagabond is a fiction; thus, historical, cultural, and ecological inaccuracy are acceptably secondary to its storyline; however, he makes it known to his readers that this fiction is fully based on his lived experience in Gama Village of Dege County in Ganzi Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, Sichuan Province and that the protagonist is himself (Chai 2009c, 132). As Chai also publicly admits that he is a Nyingmapa practitioner, it is natural that his readers wish that he could have given credits to his Tibetan teachers for his felt spiritual euphoria in Tibet rather than to Kerouac.

On April 4, 2011, Chai gave a talk at Renmin University titled “My Incurable Loneliness,” in which he narrated his literary success story to a large audience. A Tibetan participant commented that many Tibet-related literary works were written as outsiders looking in. Chai responded, “This is the issue that I must confront. I must prevent Said’s style [referring to Orientalism as critiqued by Said] and avoid looking at Tibetans and Tibetan culture with our Han worldview. I must place myself in the position of Tibetans.” Chai had received similar comments from his Tibetan readers in the past. In 2009 shortly after the publication of Vagabond, Unitas, a monthly magazine in Taiwan, featured Chai’s article “Magical Journey to Tibet in Troubled Times,” as a self-introduction of the newly famous author. Chai reminisced about an encounter with a comment from a Tibetan friend of his: “It is impossible for me to connect your work with the Tibet where I have lived. The names of people and places, and past and present events in your book all appear very Tibetan but, honestly, there is a thick wall separating my Tibet from yours” (Chai 2009c, 131). Chai lashed out with criticism of his friend:

As individuals, who can say we own the entire Tibet? This friend of mine, born in a military officer’s family, received all her education in the Chinese language. She went to Lhasa after graduating from college. Her life has been completely cut off from farming and herding. She has been to agricultural and nomadic areas of Tibet, but what is the difference between her trips and those of superficial Han Chinese tourists? How would she understand the harsh work for sowing and harvesting? How would she understand the inner world of poor people? …Based on my childhood in an agricultural village and my herding experience with nomads at Gama Village at the age of thirty, I have more qualification to write about agricultural and nomadic societies; I am more gifted to enter the inner world of farmers and nomads. I can even shamelessly say: my skill in agricultural and nomadic work is as fluent as my writing skill (Chai 2009c, 131).

I know this Tibetan friend of his. She is a globally acclaimed author based in Beijing and Lhasa, and a critic of China’s policy implementation in Tibetan regions. It was she who lifted Chai out of his existential and spiritual breakdown in 2005 by introducing him to Gama Village as a schoolteacher. Chai seemed to have a momentary discrediting reaction to his friend’s comment and, at the same time, a solidly self-edifying affirmation. Earlier I called this the post-Orientalist phenomenon and the heart of the issue is the question of authenticity and representation on the personal level and its accompanying social impact.

It is not unusual that Chai evoked Edward Said in his success story. Said’s Orientalism is a widely read text among contemporary scholars, writers, and cultural critics in China, especially in relation to the topic of Tibet. The first Chinese translation available in the PRC came out seven years ago (Wang 2005) and it is commonly read along with Foucault’s works on power. In many ways, the availability of Said’s Orientalism in Chinese has energized China’s version of post-colonial studies in which Said’s critical perspective is mostly utilized for analyzing the Orientalized image of Chinese in the West (Ma 2006, 26). Among scholars of contemporary Tibetan studies in China, Wang Hui and Shen Weirong are the most active ones who allege that Westerners Orientalize Tibet, along with using Lopez’s Prisoners of Shangri-La (1998) as their primary theoretical ballast. However, in the midst of critical backlash at the Orientalism of the West, both Wang and Shen are also facing the growing awareness of the Orientalization of Tibet among Han Chinese. In reference to how Yunnan’s Shangrila is commodified, Shen remarked, “Politically speaking this is incorrect…It cheapens our cultural tradition. This is an internal Orientalism that ingratiates the West” (Shen 2010, 109). In the same vein, Wang stated, “Orientalism is not merely a phantom of the West. It is now becoming a creation of our own” (Wang 2011, 37).

To be noted, the way in which Wang, Shen and other scholars in China employ Said’s perspective is caught in the dichotomy of China and the West, the East and the West, or Tibet and the West as if the two sides were uncompromisingly polarized and mutually unintelligible because of the one-sidedness of the extreme idealization and demonization of the non-Western native. In this regard, Wang and Shen and their adherents could be reasonably alleged to be exercising their nationalism against the West in their critiques.

Chai’s literary creativity, built upon Tibet, is a complex case of realism and fantasy. Before I allege the existence of Orientalist sentiments and expressions in his writings, I make a disclaimer that my post-Orientalist reading of his works is only intended to highlight the internalized, personalized, and individualized but-once-collective perceptions, imaginations, and fantasies of an Other; thus it is not intended to discredit his hard-earned literary achievement. As I elaborated earlier, my post-Orientalist approach acknowledges the historical consciousness of Orientalism as an inherent part of the Western imperial perception of non-Western others; however, this rigid historical dichotomy of “the West and the Rest” disintegrates as the questions of self and the other and of power and representation are found universally across human societies especially in an era of heightened globalization. Thus, I re-emphasize that one could be both the Orientalizing and the Orientalized. In the case of the mirage-makers of Tibet in China, the post-Orientalized Tibet is foremost a geographic place of unfamiliarity and yet it is a field of spiritual enchantment and a state of trance from which one returns home with a series of revelations and self-claimed magic and miracles. What is critical is that the post-Orientalist consciousness transmutes the actually awe-inspiring earth, sky, and water of Tibet into a mirage real in image but illusory in nature when the mirage-maker fills it up with a sequence of his or her soulful realization or spiritual liberation; thus Tibet is displaced and re-placed as a ground of the mirage-maker’s pilgrimage and subsequently felt transcendence.

In the case of Chai, his literary re-creation of himself in Tibet is sequenced from being an escapist from urban China to a schoolteacher, a pilgrim, a spiritually renewed person, an embodiment of Tibet, and an acclaimed fiction writer. It is a story of a hero’s return. Tibet has nurtured him. It is natural that he addresses Tibet as “magical Tibet.” He writes:

Tibet is magic … Instead of saying Tibet is a magical land, it is rather better to say Tibetans are a magical people. These people [Han Chinese], too mediocre and too worldly, live a materialistic life in cities. They need Tibet – a high, distant, inaccessible place – to anchor their yearning for a spiritual life. Because of this I believe no matter how deeply people degenerate, the yearning for divinity runs like an underground river deeply hidden inside the Earth. Tibet as magic is a reality. To Han Chinese, facing this reality only requires honesty, humiliation, and courage. Seen from the philosophical perspective, Tibet’s magic is an ancient wisdom manifesting itself in the metaphysical and idealized manner. It is a life-principle that transcends worldliness and arrives in the realm of divinity. As such, Tibet’s magic extricates humanity from bestiality (Chai 2009c, 121).

This was written during his post-Tibet phase after his books were successfully published in Taiwan and mainland China. Reading through Vagabond and Red Sheepskin Book of Tibet, one cannot help but single out the words and phrases that indicate Chai’s Orientalist sentiments: “natural,” “naked,” “primordial,” “mysterious,” “phantasmic,” “magic,” “wilderness,” “pure soul,” “perfect highland,” and the list goes on. In his narrative the Tibetans around him are not the “magical people” he claims them to be and as a narcissistic protagonist, he is more often the magic-in-the-making. He depicts himself as “a great soul who is being nurtured by the grassland and is suckling from the illumination of the Earth” (2009a, 186), and as “a lone wolf in the grassland who stands on the crest of a hill silently looking over everything” (2009a, 189). Following along with his “magical” perspective and poetic prose the reader can imagine him as “a handsome vagabond” undergoing a spiritual transformation in Tibet that is metaphorized as “the silent Earth in its primordial state…peaceful, mysterious, and phantasmic” (2009a, 252).

While he recognizes the primordiality of the Tibetan landscape, it is worthy of critique to notice that he visualizes the bodies of Tibetans in the same fashion. A simple scene of a teen boy taking a bath in a hot spring reveals a temporal-spatial displacement of Tibetans who are relegated to a primordial time, as Chai writes,

Off the road we saw two hot springs breathing out steamy vapors. Jamyang Tsering took off his clothes. His skin was pale. The foreskin of his penis was still intact. This innocent virgin boy jumped into one of the hot springs and happily started bathing himself…This is the Indian country in the writing of Thoreau. This is the purely Tibetan country where human nature is awakened, restored, and liberated, and where the soul sets itself free in the ways of the Indians, the Tibetans, the plants, and nature (Chai 2009a, 74).

If there were an undercurrent in this passage, it would be the author’s fantastical vision in which his spiritual virginity is restored while considering himself as an equal of Thoreau. From the perspective of post-colonial studies, Chai has revealed his perspective that Tibetans exist outside of time, eternally archetypal, eternally “natural” and “innocent” or conversely, “primitive” and “bestial.”

Continuing to journey with Chai in his writings we find that unlike the virgin boy keeping him company at the hot springs, Tibetans around Chai include a masturbating man, a “slut,” a nomad woman outcast, a wealth-obsessed lama, a drunkard, a mentally-ill man, and a bandit. As hardships of native Tibetans are diluted by his poeticization as though they are the natural course of being since primordial time, his own urban existential disorientation, narcissistic lonesomeness, and felt spiritual euphoria take precedence. What is Tibet in Chai’s recollection then? It is the beautiful but outcast woman Yangchanma who gives birth to a son for him [the author has made no public admittance about having a child with a Tibetan woman; so take it figuratively] (2009a, 255), it is Cosmos flowers blooming on the grassland which make him think of his loved ones, and it is a thing that he loves but cannot touch. So, he leaves Tibet with his conflicting geo-phantasmic psychic terrain:

I’m leaving, Ah, Jomolungma [e9781614515531_i0265.jpg Mt. Everest]!…I’m gazing up into the distant, immense firmament filled with rivers of stars. I’m mesmerized by the silent vultures like dots of black ink in the snow. I’m refusing to communicate with anyone. My loneliness is incurable. Such loneliness – an ailment hidden in my body – is suddenly erupting like a volcano. I have held the thought too long: death is a kind of alien landscape. It is neither sad nor dark. Please allow me to leap into this alien landscape because it is so enthralling. You bless me with love almost in a sacred fashion. I am so deeply touched by your pure soul that I have learned to love this world, but this also makes me move farther away from you. The absolute beauty is untouchable like the dead bodies of mountaineers frozen in the glacier of the mountain. They preserve youthful, deliciously fresh smiles; however if they ever break the ice, the smile will instantly vanish, decay, decompose into the soil, and become unbearable to look at. Our affection is a light of fantasy, beautiful but unrealistic. I restrain myself from touching the real you. In such a state of soul-trance I’m returning to Beijing (2009a, 256 – 57).

Chai tells his readers that he adopts the literary genre known as “magical realism” akin to Gabriel Garcia Marquez’s One Hundred Years of Solitude (2009c, 129). His repeated invocation of the Beat Generation at his magical turning points gives readers an impression that it is not Tibetan saints but the Buddhism-inspired writers and poets like Kerouac and Snyder who transcend his existential disorientation and spiritual confusion. The landscape of Tibet often appears as the externality of his “incurable loneliness,” a simultaneously real and figurative world of desolation from which he re-emerges as a new, whole person.

Chai’s soulful narratives, utilizing the genre of magical realism, resemble the style of the nineteenth century Orientalist writers, as Said characterizes them, “Every one of them kept intact the separateness of the Orient, its eccentricity, its backwardness, its silent indifference, its feminine penetrability, its supine malleability…” (Said 1979, 206). Tibet is Chai’s “Orient” in which he caresses the grassland like a goddess’ soft, aromatic shoulder (2009a, 2), relates to the nameless horses, yaks, and wolves (2009a, 119), hears the love-making sounds of his neighbor’s wife (2009a, 113), peeks at a young man’s pubic hair glistening in dim firelight through his unzipped fly (2009a, 157), watches a mentally disabled person streaking through the village (2009b, 270), walks away from the outcast woman when she hollers, “Hurry, I bore you a son” (2009a, 255), and imagines himself as a dead body feasted on by vultures (2009b, 315). This primitive, civilizationless and yet pristinely magnificent place gives him a total rebirth. Chai’s narrative could be read as personally experienced spiritual magic and miracles in Tibet but it also appears remarkably Orientalist.

On the other hand, it would be a mis-accusation to regard Chai only as an Orientalist. In the public arena, with his “conscience as a Han Chinese writer,” he makes atonement for the wrongs of “the Communist imperialist invasion” and “the state chauvinism” (2009c, 123). He points out his peer writers who “do not expose Tibetans’ sufferings, humiliation from being colonized…instead with their false romanticism and layers of lies they fictionalize a Tibet as an idyllic place of snow mountains, grasslands, monasteries, lamas, beautiful women, steeds, yaks and sheep” (2009c, 123). Chai lumps together this type of Han Chinese writer, characterizing their Tibet-related literary works as “a mirage of their adolescent wet dreams” (2009c, 127).

In the post-Orientalist era, Orientalist sentiments stream through one’s mindscape not necessarily as one side of a dichotomy to be noticed, highlighted, defended or tackled. They equally flow in the cultural consciousness of the anti-Orientalist, the justice-worker, the defender of the indigenous modes of being, and the member of an Orientalized culture. In Chai’s creative narratives, public statements, and expressions of his conscience, he carries a complex of a Tibetophile, a Dharma bum, a seeker, a dreamer of the impossible, a creative consumer of Tibet’s landscape and culture, a mirage-maker, an anti-colonialist, anti-Orientalist, and an Orientalist. Post-Orientalism is a latent Orientalism as Said predicted (Said 1979, 206), coming, when it does, in the entwinement of negated forms and affirmed expressions. In spite of Chai’s critical spirit, he is, himself, a mirage maker, relying on the power of the Tibetan landscape.

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