Chapter 2
Exploring Country Cultures

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“The most interesting thing about cultures may not be in the observable things they do—the rituals, eating preferences, codes of behavior, and the like—but in the way they mold our most fundamental conscious and unconscious thinking and perception.”

—Ethan Watters, “We Aren't the World”1

The Machiguenga, who live in a part of Peru close to the borders of Bolivia and Brazil, enjoy lives many of us would envy. Each family member has the freedom to choose what they work on and when to work. They balance their lives, men as planters and hunters and women as harvesters and cooks, with time for relaxation and fun. Given their relative isolation and self-sufficiency, the tribe has little need for cash.

Most Western scientists who visit this living Eden do so to conduct pharmacological research. UCLA anthropology graduate student Joe Henrich's interest in visiting the Machiguenga, however, was very different.2 Henrich wanted to explore whether human beings were psychologically hardwired to respond universally. In particular, he was interested in knowing whether concepts like fairness and cooperation were basic to all cultures, from Western industrialized societies to more isolated exotic ones like the Machiguenga.

Henrich devised an ultimatum game that is similar to what game-theory buffs and economists call the prisoner's dilemma. The game involved two players, unknown to each other, one of whom would receive the equivalent of several days' wages. The recipient would then decide how much cash to share with the other player, who had the option of accepting or refusing that sum. The dilemma was that if the second player refused the money, the first player forfeited his or her share.

Henrich had great difficulty getting the Machiguenga volunteers to understand the rules, saying: “They just didn't understand why anyone would sacrifice money to punish someone who had the good luck of getting to play the other role.”

This is not how U.S. Americans typically think when it comes to these kinds of games.

For example, when an online article about Henrich's study appeared in Pacific Standard3 in February 2013, hundreds of comments from U.S. readers largely confirmed what researchers already knew about our culture: We prefer splits to be made 50-50; otherwise, we're inclined to punish the other player, even if it means losing money ourselves. We also tend to view someone's behavior as being indicative of a personality trait or disposition as opposed to a situational response. Psychologists call this the fundamental attribution error, or FAE.

Some of the comments on Henrich's research included (italics are ours to highlight examples of FAE)

  • “(T)his hypothetical tightwad offered you nothing. If he's that greedy and indifferent to the lives of others, how do you think he'll use the money once he gets it?”
  • “The other person has proven themselves unusually greedy and selfish. They've also done nothing to deserve having this fortune showered upon them.”
  • “I can only speculate on why this other person wouldn't offer a fair share of this fortune that fell into their lap through no merit of their own, and I find self-absorption a more likely explanation than them needing every last dollar in that fortune for completely altruistic reasons.”

Note how these commentators jumped to conclusions and made assumptions about greed, selfishness, and self-absorption based on the sketchiest of information.

Thinking Is Not Universal

The Machiguenga study helps highlight the erroneous assumption that there are universal ways of thinking, feeling, and behaving. This bias is played out in organizations day after day, especially as it relates to leadership and management research and advice.

Consider this quote from a New York Times interview with the director of the U.S.-based NeuroLeadership Institute:

“Certainty is a constant drive for the brain…the feeling of uncertainty feels like pain…that turns out to be cognitively exhausting.… The less we can predict the future, the more threatened we feel…so we are driven to create certainty.”4

Did you assume the we in that quote meant we humans? Actually, it more accurately refers only to certain cultures.

Geert Hofstede's studies over a 40-year span resulted in various dimensions of national cultures. These cultural dimensions must be compared within the context of other country scores and not analyzed as a standalone dimension. As mentioned previously, one of Hofstede's dimensions looks at the issue of uncertainty avoidance by measuring the extent to which people across 76 countries and regions “feel uncomfortable with uncertainty and ambiguity.”5 According to Hofstede's model, the higher the score, the more people within that culture will be uncomfortable with the new, unknown, and surprising. Such cultures deal with that discomfort with strict laws and rules; they also tend to espouse one unassailable truth. For more on this topic, see Chapter 3, pages 4546. Scores on the uncertainty avoidance dimension range from cultures like Greece and Portugal, which scored 112 and 104 respectively, to Singapore and Jamaica, which scored 8 and 13 respectively.

The U.S. score on the uncertainty avoidance dimension is 46, which Hofstede describes as the medium to low range, similar to Indonesia (48), the Philippines (44), and India (40). The U.S. score is quite different from that of Japan (92), South Korea (85), Taiwan (69), China (30), and Hong Kong (29). As these data illustrate, there are considerable variations of tolerance of uncertainty and ambiguity throughout Asia. To assert that all human beings are “driven to create certainty” is misleading at best.

Relationships Are Dynamic

Access to Asia offers you an education in what we're calling the Global Three Rs:

  • Engaging in sufficient research (due diligence) about a culture
  • Showing respect for differences
  • Enhancing relationships through interaction

Think about the word relationship for a moment. A relationship is a dynamic, involving two or more individuals or things. We cannot determine where we stand in relation to another culture until we have a better handle on ourselves. It is for that reason that this chapter does something few other books do: It holds up a mirror to U.S. culture.

“A fish discovers its need for water only when it is no longer in it. Our culture is like water to a fish…What one culture may regard as essential—a certain level of material wealth, for example—may not be so vital to other cultures.”

Trompenaars and Hampden-Turner, Riding the Waves of Culture6

We are often oblivious to what we think, what we value, and what we are motivated by because we take them for granted. We are like the goldfish mentioned in the previous chapter. We don't realize that we're swimming in water until the glass bowl is overturned—a feeling that is analogous to doing business in a new culture.

Remaining unaware of how we see the world puts us all at a huge disadvantage—like the new recruit who is ignorant of organizational culture, also known as “the way things are done around here.” That's an alienating position to be in until you learn to adapt. But how can you possibly learn what you need to do to develop and maintain meaningful relationships with global clients, customers, and partners?

This is where the eight questions can help – questions that surfaced after interviewing more than 100 people for this book. These questions speak to many of the dimensions identified by the work of Geert Hofstede, Fons Trompenaars, Michele J. Gelfand, Richard Nisbett, Robert J. House, Peter Dorfman, Mansour Javidan, Paul J. Hanges, Mary F. Sully de Luque,7 and George Simons.8 Think of them as the beginning of holding up a mirror to yourself, with the goal of succeeding in business in Asia.

1. How Do We Prefer to Act—Individually or as a Group?

You may already be familiar with the terms individualism and collectivism or communitarianism9 that refer to the tendency for cultures to be oriented toward the self or the group. In individualistic societies like the U.S., U.K., and Canada, for example, decisions are made, contracts are negotiated, and deals are cut for which people consider themselves individually responsible. Business people from collectivist cultures, like those covered among the 10 countries featured in this book, prefer group representation and group negotiations. In most cases, making a decision without group input is to be avoided.

People in each of these two cultural dimensions have developed different social skills that, although essential to success in one's own culture, are not necessarily understood elsewhere. As Richard Brislin, professor of management and industrial relations at the University of Hawaii at Manoa, advises

To transcend the distance between self and others, people in individualistic societies have to develop a certain set of social skills. These include public speaking, meeting others quickly and putting them at ease…making a good impression…These skills are not necessary for collectivists. When it comes time for a person to meet unknown others in a larger society, members of the collective act as go-betweens and make introductions, describe the person's accomplishments and abilities, and so forth. In short, individualists have to rely on themselves.… Collectivists have a supportive group that assists in this same goal.10

If you are wondering what individualism and collectivism have to do with expanding into international business markets and boosting sales in Asia, know that when you sit at the negotiating table with your Asian partners, your conversation should not be about you and your company but about collaboration and working in harmony with them.

Table 2.1 on page 15 shows the Individualism Index from Geert Hofstede's research on cultural differences, including the rankings of the U.S., Great Britain, Canada, and eight of the Asian countries included in this book (Myanmar and The Philippines were not part of the original Hofstede study). In this index, the higher the number, the greater the degree of individualism. Countries positioned lower on this index are more focused on making sure that you will be consensus-seeking and team-focused before they commit to doing business with you long-term.11

Table 2.1 The Individualism Index

World Rank Country Index
1 United States 91
3 Great Britain 89
4-6 Canada 80
33 India 48
35–37 Japan 46
54 Malaysia 26
55–56 Hong Kong 25
58–63 China 20
58–63 Singapore 20
58–63 Thailand 20
58–63 Vietnam 20
65 South Korea 18
66 Taiwan 17
Myanmar Individualism Index
World Rank Country Index
N/A* Myanmar 51**

* Myanmar does not have a world ranking because it was not included in Hofstede's cultural dimensions work,12 or the GLOBE Studies.13

** This score is from an exploratory study of Myanmar culture by Dr. Charles Rarick,14 which uses Hofstede's value dimensions. Refer to Chapter 10 for more information.

2. How Are Power and Authority Viewed?

Many cultures around the globe are ascriptive. In ascriptive cultures, characteristics including class, age, sex, higher education, and religion are considered more important than in achievement-oriented cultures. In some ascriptive cultures, power is held over people. In others, including many of the Asian countries included in this book, power is considered to be participative.

As Michael DeCaro, former Chief Audit Executive and VP of Finance, Asia Pacific, and Japan, for Dell, explains

“Western leaders that arrive on the scene and simply announce decisions without getting everyone involved have a much greater likelihood of finding it difficult to achieve their objectives in Asia. For example, in Japan, a position of authority simply allows a leader to take the lead in gaining and developing consensus as to what the ultimate decision will be.”

The differences in perceived inequalities between people in Asian countries are captured by Geert Hofstede's Power Distance (PDI) dimension, reflecting the degree to which a culture is comfortable with power inequalities. The higher the PDI number, the greater the power distance, meaning members of a culture “expect and accept that power is distributed unequally.” For example, the U.S. score of 40 on the PDI in Table 2.2 is relatively low on the PDI, reflecting the belief that ‘all men are created equal.’ Nevertheless, reality teaches us that there will be inequalities in society.

Table 2.2 The Power Distance Index

World Ranking Country Index
1–2 Malaysia 104
5 Philippines 94
12–14 China 80
15–16 Indonesia 78
17–18 India 77
19 Singapore 74
22–25 Vietnam 70
27–29 Hong Kong 68
34–36 Thailand 64
41–42 S. Korea 60
43–44 Taiwan 58
49–50 Japan 54
59–61 United States 40
62 Canada 39
65-67 Great Britain 35
Myanmar Power Distance Index
World Rank Country Index
N/A* Myanmar 26**

* Myanmar does not have a world ranking because it was not included in Hofstede's cultural dimensions work,15 or the GLOBE Studies.16

** This score is from an exploratory study of Myanmar culture by Dr. Charles Rarick,17 which uses Hofstede's value dimensions. Refer to Chapter 10 for more information.

3. How Do We Compare Rules and Relationships?

Fons Trompenaars and Charles Hampden-Turner speak of this distinction in terms of universalist and particularist cultures (see Table 2.3). As they point out in Riding the Waves of Culture:

Table 2.3 Universalism-Particularism Chart

Country opting for universalist (“rules-based”) system Percentage of Respondents
South Korea 37
China 47
India 54
Indonesia 57
Japan 68
Singapore 69
U.K. 91
U.S. and Canada 93

“One serious pitfall for universalist cultures in doing business with more particularist ones is that the importance of the relationship is often ignored. The contract will be seen as definitive by the universalist, but only a rough guideline or approximation by the particularist.”

The authors have identified different countries' cultural preferences with respect to rules and relationships. In one example, they discovered which cultures would follow the rule of law and which would consider the circumstances to protect a friend from the police. Table 2.3 indicates where some Western cultures fall on this universalist-particularist continuum, together with the six Asian cultures included in Trompenaars and Hampden-Turner's study.18 The higher the number, the more universalist the culture.

4. How Do We View Time?

One key subtlety about time concerns the concepts of monochronic and polychronic. In the West, we expect an executive stopped by another colleague en route to a meeting, to say that he or she can't stop to chat. In polychronic cultures, such as those in Asia, it's common for several things to happen at once and punctuality is not as essential. People in the U.S. tend to be less comfortable with constant interruptions; such simultaneous comings and goings are common in polychronic societies like India and Malaysia.

Like cocktail party guests, some of whom arrive promptly whereas others only show up after the event is in full swing, there are considerable variations within as well as between cultures when it comes to perceptions of time.

With respect to the concepts of monochronic time, meaning linear or sequential, doing one thing at a time, and polychronic or synchronic time, meaning doing several things at a time or multitasking, a study published in the Journal of Consumer Research found that the U.S. falls within the middle of the continuum (3.18, where 1.0 is monochronic and 5.0 is polychronic).19

In Asian countries, the equivalent figure was 4.0. Given the central theme of this book—relationships—this movement is a good thing.

As Trompenaars and Hampden-Turner point out, polychronic cultures are less focused on punctuality. Although recent research indicates that the U.S. is moving toward a more polychronic orientation,20 the culture has typically been monochronic. Although you may not ever need to use either of these terms directly, what we are stressing here is encapsulated by this quote of Hall's:

“It is impossible to know how many millions of dollars have been lost in international business because monochronic and polychronic people do not understand each other or even realize that two such different time systems exist.”21

Table 2.4 on page 19 shows different concepts for monochronic and polychronic time.

Table 2.4 Monochronic and Polychronic Time

Monochronic Polychronic
Traditional Examples: Canada, Germany, U.S., Northern and Western Europe Traditional Examples: Arab countries, Asia, Middle East, Latin America, Southern and Eastern Mediterranean, Turkey
Focus is on doing one thing at a time Focus is on doing many things at once
Attention given mostly to
  • The project
  • Priorities
  • The task
  • Procedures
Attention given mostly to
  • Relationships
  • Clients, patrons, customers
  • Friends and colleagues
  • Family members
Appointments, milestones, and deadlines are scheduled because they are important. Appointments are flexible; meetings may be postponed or missed.
Everyone expected to adhere to clock time and be punctual, prompt. Schedules are followed. Time is seen as fluid, punctuality not so important. Schedules may be modified.
Time is a limited commodity and quantifiable. Time is limitless, unquantifiable.
Behaviors include
  • Time management
  • Setting deadlines and schedules and discouraging interruptions
  • Creating agendas
Behaviors include
  • Avoiding being too busy to socialize
  • Changing deadlines and schedules
  • Comfortable with interruptions
  • Dispensing with agendas

5. How Do We Typically Communicate?

One important topic to consider with respect to communication is what anthropologists have termed low-context and high-context. Here's an analogy to illustrate the difference between the two:

As a lawyer, Sharon frequently read witness testimony transcripts. These documents capture the witnesses' spoken word, not body language such as hand gestures, eye movements, shrugs, finger-pointing, eye-rolling or other nonverbal communication. Only observing the witness provides awareness of the enormous effects of such subtleties on the jury, the judge, and the observers. The same is true of interoffice-communication.

The U.S., for example, is considered a relatively low-context culture in which direct communication is rewarded and the emphasis is placed on words. In contrast, Asian cultures are high-context, meaning communication is indirect and words can only be understood in context. Body language and facial expressions all have a major part to play. Few cultures, or the people living in them, fall at one end of the spectrum or the other. Most people have a combination of high- and low-context characteristics in communication. Table 2.5 on page 20 shows the key differences.

Table 2.5 Communication Characteristics of High-Context and Low-Context Cultures

High-Context Low-Context
Traditional Examples: Eastern Asia, Japan, China, South Korea Traditional Examples: Canada, Germany, Scandinavia, Switzerland, U.K., U.S.
Communication as an art form Communication as a way to brainstorm
Implicit:
  • Indirect, nonverbal messages
  • Finessed, vague, indefinite, imprecise
  • Nonverbal cues highly significant (tone of voice, facial expressions, gestures, eye movements all impact conversation)
Explicit:
  • Direct, verbal message
  • Specific, precise, to the point, definite
  • Nonverbal cues not as significant (the actual words spoken are crucial)
Situation and people more important than actual words spoken Greatest importance placed on words; “What did he say?”
Disagreement is personalized Disagreement is depersonalized
Sensitivity to conflict expressed nonverbally Withdrawal from conflict or work on project; focus on logical task, not personal conflict
Behaviors include
  • Silence in meetings
  • Inhaling through pursed lips to show displeasure
  • Using eyes to indicate close of conversation/meeting
  • Inhaling with a hissing sound to indicate difficulty
Behaviors include
  • Speaking to fill void in conversation
  • Spoken displeasure
  • A direct statement that the meeting is over
  • A direct statement that something isn't possible

6. How Formal or Informal Are We?

Professor Michele Gelfand and her colleagues at the University of Maryland's Department of Psychology have made a distinction between tight and loose cultures. Tight cultures are those with strong social norms and a low tolerance for any behavior that does not conform to those norms. An example would be the Japanese, with their higher degree of structure, and formality. Loose cultures are the polar opposite, with weak social norms and high tolerance. These cultures are more likely to be comfortable with informalities.

Table 2.6 gives a sense of the informality or “looseness” between countries in the West and the eight Asian countries included in Gelfand's study.22 The higher the number, the tighter the culture. Richard Lewis has categorized country cultures into three broad categories: linear-active, multi-active, and reactive.23

Table 2.6 Continuum of Tight and Loose Scores

Country Tightness Score
Pakistan 12.3
Malaysia 11.8
India 11.0
Singapore 10.4
South Korea 10.0
Japan 8.6
China 7.9
U.K. 6.9
Hong Kong 6.3
United States 5.1
Australia 4.4
[Mean of 33 countries studied] 6.5

7. How Aligned Are Our Social and Business Lives?

In the same way that people in the East and West have different concepts of time (see our discussion of question 4 on page 17), the ways we choose to spend that time in the workplace are diverse.

Researchers from the University of Delaware24 asked workers how many of their working hours were spent on work-related tasks as opposed to social activities, such as informal chatting, celebrating coworkers' birthdays and anniversaries, and enjoying tea or coffee together. U.S. respondents working for companies in major cities typically said they spent 80 percent of their time on business tasks and the remaining 20 percent on socializing. In Asian countries, including India, Indonesia, and Malaysia, the answer was 50/50.

This study also found that many international business travelers believed that socializing on the job was an inefficient way to spend time in today's competitive world. As Richard Brislin and Eugene Kim of the University of Hawaii at Manoa, Hawaii, point out, “The problem with such reactions is that they are ethnocentric: People are making conclusions based on the norms and values of their own cultures.”25

The importance of the 50:50 balance that some consider “aimless socializing and chatting” becomes clear when you realize how much more important relationship-building is in collectivist cultures than in individualist ones. In China, for example, the culture depends largely on guanxi networks through which favors and influence are passed from one person to another.

Westerners often don't appreciate how important it is in Asian cultures to spend more time developing and maintaining relationships. This difference was highlighted in a cross-cultural communication course attended by an Indian interviewee who was surprised and interested to learn one of the “key elements of U.S. business culture”26 was the separation of our work and private lives. In contrast, one U.S. executive who is currently establishing connections in Myanmar pointed out that he will likely spend the next two years in meetings, having talks, hosting delegations, and attending dinners and luncheons before any business is secured.

As Andy Molinsky so eloquently states in his book Global Dexterity,27 “adapting to new cultures without losing yourself in the process” requires establishing personal boundaries and knowing just how far you are prepared to modify them as situations arise. Some activities may not be for you. Knowing this beforehand will save grief and face for you and your Asian business partners. It is possible to refrain from participating without judging other cultures. Often the wise and more successful approach is to keep an open mind to new experiences, as the pioneering work of Stanford psychology professor Dr. Carol Dweck highlights.

Mindset and Success

According to Dweck's research, people who hold rigid beliefs as to what they can or can't (should/shouldn't) achieve have fixed mindsets. They tend to be less successful in the areas of business, education, and sports than people with growth mindsets. Growth people consider challenging experiences to be essential to developing new abilities. “Virtually all great people have had these qualities,” writes Dweck on her website.28

Table 2.7 contains example statements to help you identify how open or fixed your mindset may be to growth. Responses to these statements range from Strongly Agree, Agree, and Mostly Agree to Mostly Disagree, Disagree, and Strongly Disagree. To complete the entire quiz, visit url http://mindsetonline.com and click the Test Your Mindset link.29

Table 2.7 Statements for Determining a Fixed or Growth Mindset

ˆ You can learn new things, but you cannot really change your basic intelligence.
ˆ Your talent in an area is something about you that you cannot change very much.
ˆ You can change even your basic level of talent considerably.

8. How Is the Concept of Women in Business Handled?

Life is not as black-and-white as we would like it to be. The extent to which a female professional may experience challenges in Asia because of her gender depends on many things.

The challenges that impact women in their home country often shed light on the business environment for international businesswomen. There is no hard-and-fast rule on the topic of how women are treated in the world of work, as you will discover when we ask this question again in each of the 10 country-specific chapters. In the meantime, look at Table 2.8 on page 24, the Booz & Company Third Billion Index, to see rankings for the Canada, U.K., and U.S., and eight of the Asian countries covered in this book. The Third Billion Index is compiled from a myriad of indicators that affect women'seconomic standing, including entrepreneurial support and equal pay. It features 128 countries whose scores range from 70.6 (Australia and Norway, ranked number one and number two, respectively) to 26.1 (Yemen, with the lowest score).30

Table 2.8 Third Billion Index Scores and Rankings

Rank Country Score
7 Canada 67.2
13 United Kingdom 64.9
30 United States 58.0
32 Hong Kong/China 57.4
37 Singapore 55.6
43 Japan 54.1
48 Thailand 53.3
50 Republic of Korea 52.4
54 Philippines 51.7
58 China 50.9
Mean 50.0
75 Vietnam 47.9
80 Cambodia 47.0
82 Malaysia 46.0
90 Indonesia 43.7
94 Laos 42.4
115 India 37.3

Global flexibility research conducted by social psychologist Richard E. Nisbett, anthropologist Joe Henrich, and many others show that different cultures not only think differently, but they actually see the world differently. Yet this thinking, whether Eastern or Western, can be modified fairly easily. To demonstrate that, consider Hong Kong. Given its exposure to the influences of both East (China) and West (Great Britain), Hong Kong proves to be “an interesting laboratory for purposes of cross-cultural study.”31

By priming student participants with pictures associated with U.S. culture (images of Mickey Mouse) or Chinese culture (images of dragons), Ying-yi Hong32 and her University of Hong Kong colleagues discovered something interesting during their studies. Those students who were primed with the U.S. images quickly adapted to the individualistic thinking indicative of the West, whereas those primed with Eastern images continued to embrace the context-dependent way of thinking that typifies Asia.

Cognitive and cultural neuroscience is shedding light on the hidden workings of the mind and the hidden role of deep culture on cognition and behavior.33

This book is designed to serve as a similar kind of primer, one that will help you be flexible in your thinking, motivations, feelings, and behaviors when doing business in Asia, while maintaining the values and morals you hold dear.

Now let's explore what U.S. Americans specifically need to be aware of when attempting to develop relationships with business people in Asia. The next chapter, as well as the 10 country-specific chapters in this book, provide responses to these eight questions, along with valuable country basics and international etiquette.

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