20 Interpersonal communication in formal organizations
Abstract: This chapter explores the role of interpersonal communication in organizational settings using an assimilation/socialization organizing framework. First, it considers how interpersonal communication, particularly in family and educational settings, influences decisions to pursue types of work. Then it explicates how interpersonal communication from various sources influences decisions to join specific organizations as employees or volunteers. Then it examines how interpersonal communication, particularly with supervisors and peers, affects the experiences of being newcomers and then organizational veterans as individuals manage their uncertainty and make sense of their experiences. Finally, it considers how interpersonal communication leads to decisions to voluntarily leave organizations and facilitates the exit process.
Key Words: Socialization/Assimilation, Newcomers, Uncertainty Management, Supervisor-subordinate Communication, Peer Communication, Anticipatory Socialization, Organizational Exit
1 Introduction
Throughout their lives, people spend time in organizations. Children attend schools and join sports teams or service groups. Teenagers add extra-curricular activities or part-time work. Adults usually work or volunteer in organizations from for-profit businesses to government agencies to religious and community organizations until they retire and beyond. These organizational experiences occur largely through interpersonal communication.
Consistent with other interpersonal communication handbooks (e.g., Jablin and Krone 1994), this chapter uses an assimilation/socialization framework to discuss how communication in interpersonal relationships permeates organizational experiences. Interpersonal communication influences decisions to join organizations, shapes experiences in them, and facilitates exiting them. The chapter examines interpersonal communication during four phases of assimilation: 1) anticipatory socialization, when individuals make decisions about the types of work to do and organizations to join; 2) encounter, the first days or weeks after they join; 3) metamorphosis, the period when they are knowledgeable members; and 4) exit, the time surrounding decisions to leave (Jablin 2001).
2 Interpersonal communication in anticipatory socialization
Anticipatory socialization contains two parts: 1) Anticipatory occupational or role socialization concerns experiences that affect decisions to pursue certain roles as employees or volunteers; 2) Anticipatory organizational socialization explores experiences leading to decisions to join specific organizations (Jablin 2001). Interpersonal communication plays a key role in both processes.
2.1 Interpersonal relationships in anticipatory role socialization
Research suggests interpersonal communication from five sources influences anticipatory role socialization; these include family, education, peers, previous organization experiences, and media (Kramer 2010).
2.1.1 Family
Parent-child relations are typically our first interpersonal relationships. Familial relationships provide socializing messages that influence work and career attitudes and decisions (Levine and Hoffner 2006). Parents communicate work attitudes to children through the choice whether or not to assign work (e.g., chores), the work assigned, and the reward system (Goodnow 1988). For example, not assigning work implies childhood should be carefree. Assigning chores suggests responsibility to contribute to the family. Assigning work along gendered lines (boys work outside, girls inside) reinforces occupational stereotypes. Associating work with pay or allowance reinforces work as economic exchange rather than responsibility. Family narratives frequently teach that individuals who work hard can fulfill the American dream of becoming anything they want (Langellier and Peterson 2006). This idealistic message often becomes part of career expectations.
Children are exposed to parents’ work experiences during informal conversations about work and work relationships (Jablin 2001). In a mining community, Lucas (2011) found parents often communicated to children that they should either aspire to reproduce their occupations in mining or pursue social/upward mobility by attending college, although messages were not always direct or consistent. Gibson and Papa (2000) found family communicated realistic information to children about appropriate attitudes and work ethic to succeed as factory workers. Similar messages occur for children pursuing parents’ professional careers. Parents generally provide more negative than positive messages about their work and careers which encourages career mobility (Levine and Hoffner 2006). Simply put, when parents discussed enjoying work, children were interested in similar careers; when they conveyed dissatisfaction or anxiety about work, children pursued other careers (Myers et al. 2011).
Family influence goes beyond initial career choices. It influences attitudes and choices about volunteering. For example, parental encouragement to participate in music as a child influences decisions to join community choirs as adults (Kramer 2011a). It influences decisions when individuals consider career changes. For example, individuals considering career changes wonder how their parents will respond and often discuss decisions with them (Tan and Kramer 2012). Thus, family communication influences attitudes toward work and volunteering throughout a lifetime.
2.1.2 Education
A primary goal of education is preparing people for future participation in organizations. This includes providing the type of structure and scheduling that typifies organizational life (Campbell 1969). Interpersonal communication with school personnel also influences students’ work attitudes and occupational choices. Successful individuals often recall specific teachers who influenced them (Moore 1969). Too often, schools reinforce social class instead of creating equity and mobility by encouraging those of lesser means to pursue vocational training and those of greater means to pursue college education (Campbell 1969). Similarly, teachers who convey different achievement expectations based on race, gender, or social class can create self-fulfilling prophecies of differential aspirations (Wentzel and Looney 2007). Despite improvements on these issues, gender differences in expectations for interests and ability in areas such as mathematics and science continue to exist (Myers et al. 2011).
Students learn more than subject knowledge. School personnel communicate values considered central to becoming organizational members including being socially responsible, cooperative, and responsive to group goals (Wentzel and Looney 2007). Students learn to associate different communication styles with various occupations, such as educators and professionals as more receptive and responsive than skilled or semi-skilled workers (Jablin 1985). Through class activities, job shadowing, and exposure to various careers, students become aware of their talents and interests and pursue related careers (Myers et al. 2011). Then, instructors convey attitudes and norms associated with those career choices. For example, first-year nursing students learned basic skills and norms, but subsequently developed more realistic views of their future careers and the confidence and independence needed to succeed (Reutter et al. 1997).
Interpersonal communication in educational settings continues to influence organizational experiences. Service learning experiences are designed to increase the likelihood of volunteering although sometimes the effect is the opposite (Botero, Fediuk, and Sies 2013). Continuing education, from corporate trainers or from seeking additional degrees, leads to career opportunities inside or outside an organization. As such, interpersonal communication in educational settings influences a lifetime of work and volunteering.
2.1.3 Peers
Peers are important information and support sources during anticipatory role socialization. Peers learn various organizationally-relevant skills, practices, and norms from one another. For example, children learn about communicating in organized settings through activities such as organized sports and clubs (Eccles and Barber 1999) and learn about conflict and conflict management through peer interactions (Newcomb and Bagwell 1995). Through these activities, they learn normative behaviors related to emotional expression, impression management, and adherence to rules (Jablin 2001) for work and voluntary associations.
2.1.4 Previous organization experiences
Most students work part-time, but rarely report learning job skills that assist them in later careers (Levine and Hoffner 2006). However, Jablin (2001) concludes that in their jobs, students hone interpersonal skills with supervisors, peers, and customers. Similarly, through service learning and extra-curricular activities, students potentially develop communication competencies as they work together on collective goals. So although specific skills (e.g., serving food, athletic prowess) may not transfer to future careers, interpersonal communication skills likely do.
With lifetime employment in one company no longer common, individuals bring previous work and volunteer experiences with them as they enter new organizations (Kramer 2010). This process continues even after retirement if they take part-time jobs to supplement income or volunteer to remain active (Chinn and Barbour 2013). Based on previous experiences, they enter organizations with expectations for interpersonal communication.
2.1.5 Media
Although traditional media are not interpersonal communication, they likely influence expectations for interpersonal communication in organizations. For example, prime time television continues to portray stereotypes of women as less likely to be working or in prestigious jobs than men who have more diverse and higher status jobs (Signorielli 2009). Hollywood tends to portray managers as socially unskilled, incompetent, or unethical (Lichter, Lichter, and Amundson 1997). These stereotypical, negative images may create expectations for interpersonal communication in organizations although a direct link has yet to be established.
2.1.6 Overall
Interpersonal communication influences work attitudes and choices. The messages create expectations for work and interpersonal relationships in organizations. As a result, interpersonal communication during anticipatory socialization influences individuals’ work and volunteer organization experiences.
3 Interpersonal communication in anticipatory organizational socialization
During anticipatory organizational socialization, individuals gather information on organizations to join to determine how well their experiences, values, and abilities “fit” specific organizations and positions (Castleberry 2002). Employees form perceptions and attitudes toward organizations at this time (Riordan et al. 2001). For example, applicants’ expectations are influenced by their perceptions of recruiters as trustworthy, competent, empathic, and organized communicators (See Jablin 2001 for an extensive discussion). Thus interpersonal communication during the application and interview process plays a pivotal role in constructing pre-entry expectations which have subsequent consequences. When newcomers find their expectations do not match reality in new positions, they are surprised, report lower job satisfaction, and are more apt to quit (Carr et al. 2006; Jablin 2001).
Fit or congruence requires good information (Castleberry 2002). Individuals rely on two primary types of sources during searches (Jablin 2001): Formal organization literature such as advertisements, job postings, websites, brochures, and annual reports provide information about positions, as well as the organization’s mission, vision, industry position, and other details in formal, mediated forms; Interpersonal communication includes conversations with recruiters, interviewers, other organization employees, other job applicants, former employees, interpersonal networks, and weak links who often provide important job leads (Granovetter 1973).
These sources provide different information. Formal sources generally portray organizations and positions positively (Herriot and Rothwell 1981), are unidirectional, directed toward a general population of potential applicants, and provide little or no opportunity for feedback and clarification. Accordingly, individuals rely heavily on interpersonal communication to form perceptions about particular jobs and organizations. Such interactions are specifically targeted to the individual and allow for feedback and clarification, although they may also be positively biased (Jablin and Krone 1994). Accordingly, many practitioners and scholars recommend providing realistic job previews (RJPs) to applicants (Premack and Wanous 1985; Wanous et al. 1992). RJPs provide applicants accurate information, including jobs’ positive and negative aspects and overviews of day to day tasks, challenges, and demands. RJPs take many forms including information during employment interviews, documents and brochures, videos, and onsite visits. RJPs are associated with lower pre-entry expectations (Meglino et al. 1988) and lower turnover (Wanous et al. 1992).
Applicants can obtain pre-entry information from other sources. Many websites provide relatively unvarnished information about companies, career paths, and industries. For example, Glassdoor.com enables current, past, and prospective employees, as well as customers and the general public, to post information, opinions, and experiences with an organization for others. It provides links to salary and demographic information about a company or industry. We know of no scholarly research that examines how individuals use such sites or the value of information gleaned from them, but such sites provide applicants potentially useful information.
In sum, individuals obtain information about jobs and volunteer positions in specific organizations from many sources. More accurate and realistic information results in better individual adjustment. Accordingly, although one excellent source might provide all the needed information, typically, it is best for individuals to seek information from several sources including interpersonal sources rather than rely on just a few to gain a broad understanding organizational practices and issues.
4 Interpersonal communication in encounter and metamorphosis phases
The encounter phase begins when new employees or volunteers join organizations. The metamorphosis phase develops when they are no longer considered newcomers, but established organizational members; however, there may be differences between individuals’ perceptions of their status as newcomers and other members perceiving them as veterans (Kramer 2011b). Because this transition is primarily psychological, the time frame can vary significantly across individuals (Schlossberg 1981). Because metamorphosis progresses based on encounter experiences, and interpersonal communication is influential throughout, we discuss them together, occasionally noting differences between the two.
4.1 Uncertainty management
Organizational participation is filled with uncertainty. Newcomers experience uncertainty about how to perform their roles, how they will be evaluated, their relationships to other people, and about the organization’s culture, norms and power relations (Kramer 2010). Established members generally experience lower uncertainty levels, but experience uncertainty as changes occur such as members leaving and new ones joining (Gallagher and Sias 2009). Whereas initial conceptualizations focused on reducing uncertainty (Berger and Calabrese 1975), scholars now recognize individuals work to manage it which may include ignoring, increasing, maintaining, or decreasing it (Brashers 2001; Kramer 2004; see Chapter 13, Knobloch and McAninch). They manage uncertainty by gaining information through strategies, such as direct requests to sources of uncertainty, indirect or third party communication, or passive strategies, such as observation (Miller and Jablin 1991).
4.2 Relationships in orientation
Organizations choose various methods to orient new members. In some cases, newcomers are grouped together to create a sense of being “in the same boat,” in which case interpersonal communication among newcomers and trainers helps them manage uncertainty; in other instances, newcomers train alone or are assigned job incumbents to train them, so that experienced members assist in uncertainty management (Van Maanen and Schein 1979). Often orientation combines formal, group sessions with informal, on-the-job training. At times communication is contradictory. For example, DiSanza (1995) found bank tellers were taught strict procedures by group session trainers, but had to be more flexible when assigned to specific branches. Sometimes peer communication enabled them to understand accepted norms, but for others, lack of communication resulted in them giving up on understanding how to manage anything but the most routine transactions and so they regularly checked with supervisors rather than develop independence. This suggests that effective interpersonal communication assists newcomers in managing uncertainty and making sense of their surroundings; ineffective communication leads to increased uncertainty, dissatisfaction, and turnover.
4.3 Supervisor-subordinate communication
Direct supervisors are important in helping newcomers manage uncertainty. Employees perceive supervisors as knowledgeable, credible information sources and rely on them for help navigating their environment (Fedor, Rensvold, and Adams 1992; Sias and Wyers 2001). Uncertainty is not limited to newcomers; individuals experience uncertainty throughout their organizational tenure and rely on supervisors for information. Due to its important role, supervisor-subordinate (S/ S) communication is one of organizational communication’s most researched topics (Sias 2009a). This focus can be traced back to the discipline’s original goal of understanding how supervisors could efficiently manage employees (Redding 1985).
Jablin’s (1979) seminal article summarized S/S communication research into broad themes. Studies of communication openness found employees were more satisfied with supervisors who both provided and received information openly and willingly and that openness is a reciprocal process; that is, people are more likely to provide information openly when they expect to receive it in kind. A second theme, semantic information distance, addressed differences in supervisors’ and employees’ perceptions of employees’ job duties, tasks, abilities and knowledge. In general, research indicated supervisors and employees tend to have different understandings of employees’ jobs due to ineffective S/S communication. Supervisors tend to overestimate employees’ knowledge and abilities, and the differences were associated with lower employee morale. Research on upward distortion examined employees’ propensity to distort or omit information they provide supervisors. Employees were more likely to engage in upward distortion when they had low levels of trust in their supervisors and/or supervisors had substantial influence on employees’ careers.
Finally, research attempting to identify effective supervisors’ characteristics revealed they are communication-minded, enjoy communicating with employees, and seek out rather than avoid interactions. They are willing and empathic listeners able to consider employees’ perspectives. They are sensitive to employees’ feelings and needs and skilled at providing feedback, setting goals, and motivating them. They tend to ask and persuade rather than “demand and tell.” They effectively pass along information to employees. Overall, Jablin’s (1979) review revealed that effective supervisors are sensitive, thoughtful, good listeners, trustworthy, and persuasive.
Sias (2009a) reviewed more recent S/S communication research and found four primary S/S communication functions: information exchange, feedback/appraisal, mentoring, and leadership. Each function is crucial to newcomers’ socialization and remains important throughout employees’ organizational tenure.
4.3.1 Information exchange
During encounter, newcomers rely heavily on immediate supervisors for information about their new tasks, organizational roles, and the organization and department in general. They rely more frequently on direct questioning at first, but turn to more indirect tactics after the initial “honeymoon” period, largely due to concerns that asking questions makes them appear incompetent or insecure (Morrison 1993; Teboul 1994).
Information exchange continues during metamorphosis. It is important for veteran employees because they experience uncertainty throughout their tenure. They often experience uncertainty about job security or the company’s viability, particularly during budgetary crises (Bordia et al. 2004; Casey, Miller, and Johnson 1997). Uncertainty increases for veterans when newcomers join organizations because newcomers create uncertainty for others (Gallagher and Sias 2009). Specifically, veterans experience uncertainty about the nature and requirements of newcomers’ tasks and how they impact veterans’ roles and other organizational processes. Veterans also wonder about a newcomer’s role in the department’s or organization’s social networks; like newcomers, veterans use various information seeking strategies to obtain information from supervisors including direct questions, indirect tactics, and monitoring (Gallagher and Sias 2009).
Information exchange is reciprocal. Despite the field’s focus on supervisors as information sources, supervisors also rely on subordinates for information. Subordinates can be extra ears and eyes for supervisors, providing them with important, and often otherwise inaccessible, information about the department, organization, and industry (Ramaswami, Srinivasan, and Gorton 1997). Thus, subordinates are important information sources for individuals in supervisory roles.
4.3.2 Feedback/appraisal
A primary worry of new hires is the ability to perform their roles. This appraisal uncertainty can be very stressful; new hires often rely on supervisors to help them manage these concerns (Fedor 1991). Supervisors are logical information sources because they typically assign tasks and evaluate performance. Thus, knowing how supervisors view their abilities is crucial for newcomers’ adjustment and development but also important for veterans as they take on new tasks, work toward professional development, and seek promotions.
Unfortunately, employees are poor at seeking feedback and appraisal information and supervisors are equally poor at providing it due largely to face concerns that accompany such communication. It is difficult and somewhat frightening for employees to ask for performance feedback because it may be negative. Similarly, supervisors tend to avoid providing performance feedback, particularly negative feedback, because doing so is uncomfortable and may hurt employees’ feelings (Benedict and Levine 1988). Unionized work places may compound these problems, although we are unaware of research examining this concern. Given that employee performance and success contributes to organizational success, such avoidance harms all. Constructive negative feedback is necessary for individual development and success (Fedor 1991). Thus, supervisors who provide accurate performance feedback which neither overlooks problems nor provides undue praise, and is presented in an tactful manner, whether it is requested or not, provide valuable interpersonal communication that leads to positive outcomes.
4.3.3 Mentoring
Supervisors or other senior organization members can take on important mentoring roles with newer employees by coaching and guiding their professional development and career advancement. Mentoring goes beyond simply information exchange and takes on a more relational, affective tone in which the mentor demonstrates concern for the employee. As Sias (in press) explained:
Mentoring relationships are unique in that they are, in general, unidirectional rather than reciprocal – information tends to flow in one way from mentor to protégé. Moreover, mentoring communication focuses on the mentee’s career advancement and development, rather than the mentor’s, and the explicit goal of mentoring is mentee development rather than improved organizational productivity and functioning.
Mentoring, therefore, tends to become more active once an employee reaches metamorphosis when the trust and liking required for effective mentoring have developed.
Mentoring can be formal and assigned by the organization or informally emerge. In organizations without formal programs, supervisors are often the primary mentor; due to frequent contact, mentoring emerges informally in S/S interaction. In organizations with programs to encourage mentoring, senior members are either assigned newcomers or sought out by them. Employees who are mentored accrue important benefits including better understanding of organizational issues and increased job satisfaction (Jablin 2001). Research suggests informally formed mentor relationships generally have more positive outcomes than assigned ones, although a formal mentor is better than no mentor (Chao, Walz, and Gardner 1992).
4.3.4 Leadership
An important socialization process involves learning an organization’s culture, including its values, mission, goals, and practices and, importantly, how individuals may or may not fit into it. Leadership plays a crucial role here. Although management and leadership are often used synonymously, they are conceptually and operationally different. In general, management refers to day-to-day direction and implementation of operations. In contrast, leadership centers on vision, mission, and organizational change (Bass 1985). Scholars conceptualize leadership as a communicative process, specifically a sensemaking or meaning-making process (Fairhurst 1993). Supervisors who engage in leadership help employees make sense of organizational events and become knowledgeable and motivated toward organizational and departmental strategic visions and goals. Due to their formal roles, supervisors are primary sources of leadership throughout employees’ organizational tenure.
Leadership is accomplished via various communication tools and practices. For example, framing is the ability to shape the meaning of a subject by defining its character and significance through the meanings that are included, excluded, or emphasized in communication (Fairhurst 2010). Through framing, leaders help others interpret events, situations, or messages. Leaders rely on various framing devices including metaphors, stories, jargon, contrast, and spin to manage meaning for employees (Fairhurst and Sarr 1996).
These four communication functions make S/S relationships some of the most important in organizations. Research indicates that the quality of S/S communication is linked to the relationship quality itself. For example, Sias (2005) found the higher the perceived S/S relationship quality, the higher the quality (accuracy, timeliness, and usefulness) of information employees reported receiving from supervisors. Similarly, research links S/S relationship quality to effective feedback and appraisal. Steelman and Rutkowski (2004) found employees are more likely to listen to and accept negative feedback from supervisors they trust and like, and supervisors who perceive high quality relationships with their employees are more likely to provide constructive feedback in a considerate and thoughtful manner. The following section discusses S/S relational processes.
4.4 Supervisor-subordinate relationships
The interpersonal processes that accompany S/S relationship initiation and development have received much attention. This work is largely grounded in Leader-member exchange (LMX) theory which emphasizes the interactional and relational nature of S/S relationships (Graen and Scandura 1987). LMX theory generally identifies two main types of S/S relationships. In leadership exchange (high-quality LMX) relationships partners share mutual trust, support, open communication, engage in mutual self-disclosure, and subordinates enjoy latitude in negotiating their roles. By contrast, supervisory exchange (low quality LMX) relationships are characterized by low levels of trust, support, and self-disclosure, less open communication, and more direct supervision (Graen and Uhl-Bien 1995).
High quality relationships more likely develop between cognitively and demographically similar employees and supervisors. In particular, those with similar role prototypes (e.g., similar perceptions of ideal employees and supervisors) more likely develop high LMX relationships (Armstrong, Allinson, and Hayes 2002). Research also consistently finds that supervisors and employees tend to form higher quality relationships with those of the same sex, race, and ethnicity (Foley et al. 2006).
Both employee and supervisor competence can influence relational development. More competent employees tend to enjoy high LMX relationships (Bauer, Green, and Bauer 1996; Deluga 1994) while poor performers tend to develop low-quality ones. As Sias (in press) noted, “This is likely because high quality LMX relationships require a great deal of trust in the employee’s abilities to provide the autonomy and latitude characteristic of such relationships.” Supervisors who are skilled at training and helping employees are more likely to foster high LMX relationships with employees because they enable employees to work independently and autonomously (Cogliser and Schriesheim 2000).
Employee and supervisor personalities can also influence relationship development. Employees with an internal locus of control more likely develop high LMX relationships (Kinicki and Vecchio 1994) in which they enjoy autonomy and negotiating latitude. In contrast, employees with authoritarian personalities are less likely to develop high LMX relationships because they include extra-role socializing and dynamics rather than static roles which can be unsettling for an authoritarian personality (Finkelstein, Protolipac, and Kulas 2000). Employees tend to be more satisfied with supervisors whose personalities are agreeable, emotionally stable, and extroverted, all qualities that likely enhance LMX quality (Smith and Canger 2004).
Sergeant and Frankel (1998) found that cultural differences can impede LMX development. They found expatriate U.S. managers and their employees in Chinese subsidiaries, who valued high power distance (respect for hierarchy and authority) as is characteristic of Chinese culture, hindered open and frank discussions, employee autonomy, and role negotiations required for developing high quality relationships.
Studies of LMX relationship maintenance find that individuals in low quality relationships tend to rely on regulative strategies (superficial talk, avoidance of communication about problems) to maintain relationships. In contrast, individuals in high quality relationships more likely use personal and direct communication to maintain their relationships (Lee and Jablin 1995; Waldron 1991).
Overall, research indicates that benefits accrue to supervisors and subordinates who develop high quality LMX relationships. Such development is impacted by various factors including personality, similarity, culture, and interpersonal communication.
4.5 Peer communication
Like supervisors, peers play important roles in individuals’ organizational tenure because most people have one supervisor but several coworkers. Because individuals generally spend much of their waking hours at work or “virtual” work, full-time employees likely spend more time with peers than with anyone else, including friends and family (Sias, 2009a). Therefore, one’s organizational experience is closely tied to interpersonal experiences with peers. Compared to S/S communication, research on peer communication is less plentiful and focuses on information exchange and social support as key peer communication functions.
4.5.1 Information exchange
Perhaps because peers are the most available interpersonal source (Reichers 1987) and/or because of their unique knowledge bases, employees rely more on peers for information than any other source (Comer 1991). Peers provide important task-related information because they often do similar tasks. They provide appraisal information because they, perhaps more than supervisors, are likely to observe an employee working. Because they largely comprise the employee’s social network, peers are important relational information sources (Louis 1980; Morrison 1993).
As with S/S research, peer communication research has centered on newcomers’ initial experiences. This research identifies peers’ important role in providing newcomers with substantive task and cultural information beyond that supervisors provide. In particular, peers inform newcomers about departments’ and organizations’ unwritten rules and show them the ropes (Miller and Jablin 1991). During encounter, newcomers obtain information via direct questions, observation, and monitoring. Over time, as social costs of direct inquiry increase, they turn increasingly toward indirect tactics (Sias and Wyers 2001).
Due to uncertainty in organizational life, information exchange is a crucial aspect of peer communication for veterans and newcomers (Sias and Wyers 2001; Spillan, Mino, and Rowles 2002). The nature of information exchange is somewhat different, however. For example, by metamorphosis, veterans develop relatively stable relationships with various peers that influence their communication. Peer communication becomes less focused on learning the ropes and more on sharing proprietary information that requires trust, such as gossip, opinion-sharing, and confidential information, but as individuals gain confidence in their own knowledge and abilities, peer conflict can become more prevalent (Jablin 2001).
4.5.2 Social support
Because encounter is a period of uncertainty, stress, anxiety, surprise, and culture shock, role ambiguity, and information underload or overload can overwhelm newcomers (Louis 1980). If new jobs require “emotional labor” (displaying organizationally-sanctioned emotions or suppressing others), stress is compounded (Hochschild 1983). For veterans, stress can remain an issue due to stressors such as work overload or underload, role ambiguity, role conflict, emotional labor, interpersonal relationships, politics, conflict, change, and other factors (Frost 2004; Miller et al. 1990).
Workplace stress has important consequences for individual employees and the larger organization. It is linked to physical and mental health problems which lead to increased absenteeism and decreased productivity (Blau 1981; LaRocco, House, and French 1980). One way employees attempt to cope with stress is by obtaining social support (Albrecht and Adelman 1987). Research consistently demonstrates that peers are among the most sought out and effective support sources (Cahill and Sias 1997). Peers offer support with a depth of knowledge and understanding that those outside the workplace cannot (Ray 1993).
Employees rely on peers for three primary types of social support (Miller et al. 1990). Instrumental support is tangible forms of help such as providing services and material assistance. For example, newcomers may obtain assistance in operating technology; veterans may obtain help in dealing with heavy workloads. Informational support provides information and advice to help employees manage uncertainty and anxiety. It is important as new hires attempt to reduce uncertainty, but remains important for veterans as their uncertainty levels fluctuate in various organizational circumstances. Finally, emotional support serves as a willing site for venting or exchanging consolation. This might be as simple as reassuring a newcomer that all new hires experience similar uncertainty and anxiety. Emotional support tends to be more intimate and substantive during metamorphosis, for example, helping a peer in a difficult time by listening and offering support and consolation (House 1981).
4.6 Peer relationships
Peer communication occurs in the context of relationships. Relative to S/S relationships, peer relationships have received comparatively little research and are often subsumed in organizational climate studies or broader topics such as group processes and decision making (Downs and Hazen 1977). Research indicates the quality of peer information exchange and social support is linked to the quality of peer relationships. Sias (2005), for example, found links between peer relationship quality and information quality (perceived accuracy, timeliness, and usefulness). Similarly, while employees can obtain at least superficial information and support from peers, such support is more substantial in high quality relationships (Kram and Isabella 1985).
Kram and Isabella’s (1985) mentoring study first identified peer relationships as an alternative to traditional mentoring systems. Their foundational model identified three peer relationship types that differ in their levels of intimacy, breadth, functions, and communication practices. The least intimate are information peer relationships which comprise most workplace relationships (Odden and Sias 1997). These relationships are characterized by relatively limited information exchange primarily regarding work-related topics and issues, as well as low levels of self-disclosure and social support. With few exceptions, newcomers’ peer relationships begin as information peers except when they know coworkers before joining the organization (Sias 2009a).
Collegial peers share moderate levels of trust and self-disclosure. Sias and Cahill (1998) found it took on average about a year before employees felt their peer relationships had characteristics of collegial peers whose communication is broader than information peers, encompassing both work and personal matters in a more intimate manner. Thus, collegial peers are more likely to be found among veterans than newcomers.
The third and most rare type of peer relationship is the special peer. Because this is akin to best friends, most workers have few if any peer relationships they consider to be at this level. Special peers discuss almost any topic at very intimate levels; they enjoy high levels of trust and self-disclosure. They provide each other high levels of emotional support, candid feedback, and friendship. Due to the high trust levels required for special peers, they can take years to develop (Sias and Cahill 1998). Consequently, special peer relationships play an important role in the metamorphosis phase.
Research indicates various factors influence the development of peer relationships into closer and multidimensional entities. Specifically, employees tend to initiate friendships with peers whose personalities they like, who they perceive as similar to themselves, whose work areas are physically near theirs, and with whom they work on shared tasks; they grow even closer when they share life events, socialize outside of work, and share opinions about work-related problems (Sias and Cahill 1998).
4.7 Workplace friendships
Although S/S and peer relationships develop in different ways, these relationships often grow into friendships. In fact, friendship is a defining characteristic of collegial and special peer relationships and central to high quality LMX relationships. Workplace friendships are unique interpersonal relationships that afford noteworthy benefits and consequences to relationship partners.
Workplace friendships differ from other workplace relationships in two primary ways. First, unlike assigned, non-voluntary peer and supervisor relationships, employees choose which coworkers to befriend and voluntarily choose to spend time and energy to initiate, develop and maintain friendships (Rawlins 1992; Sias 2009a). Second, workplace friendships blend work and personal spheres into a personalistic focus lacking in non-friendship relationships. While coworkers interact about tasks and organizational issues, friends interact as whole persons, not simply role occupants (Sias 2009a).
Interpersonal communication between workplace friends is unique from communication with other coworkers. Information exchanged between collegial or special peers and between high LMX pairs tend to be higher quality than in non-friendship relations. Workplace friendships are particularly fertile grounds for exchanging gossip, or “informal and evaluative talk in an organization, usually among no more than a few individuals, about another member of that organization who is not present” (Kurland and Pelled 2000: 429). Inclusion in or exclusion from friendships has important information consequences. As Sias (2009b: 155) noted, “Receiving a ‘heads up’ via the rumor mill, for example, can help an individual prepare for potential organizational problems. In contrast, employees excluded from the rumor mill will be caught by surprise and slower to react and adjust to such events.”
Workplace friends also differ from workplace acquaintances concerning social support. In particular, friends are more likely to provide emotional support that is more substantial than that provided between coworkers (Sias and Cahill 1998). Together, the proprietary and supportive communication that occurs among work-place friends provides important benefits to employees throughout their organizational tenure.
4.8 Negative interpersonal communication
To this point, we focused on positive interpersonal communication that helps new and veteran employees manage uncertainty, assimilate into an organization’s culture, and cope with stress and anxiety. Employees also experience various types of dysfunctional or negative communication at work. Although no research to our knowledge has investigated such communication related to specific socialization stages, problematic communication can occur at any time during the process. Specifically, we discuss two primary forms of negative communication: bullying and sexual harassment.
Bullying refers to interpersonal communication in which one individual abuses or harasses another. Such communication includes threats, humiliation, intimidation, and verbal abuse (Lutgen-Sandvik, Namie, and Namie 2009). While employees might experience a single instance of verbal abuse or harassment, bullying refers to situations in which individuals are continually and repetitively targeted by a particular perpetrator. Mobbing is bullying in which a group of employees abuse and harass a specific coworker using the same negative interpersonal communication as bullies. The effects of bullying and mobbing on victims are profound including stress, anxiety, loneliness, and mental and physical illness (Sommer et al. 2001; Wright 2009) which lead to tardiness, absenteeism and decreased productivity, and in extreme cases, aggression and violence (Taylor et al. 2000). Overall, bullying/mobbing depletes victims of energy, confidence, and performance and harms the unit and organization overall (Lutgen-Sandvik et al. 2009).
Distinct from romantic communication, sexual harassment is negative interpersonal communication that is unwelcomed by the target, severe, repetitive, and contributes to a “hostile” work environment (Robinson et al. 2005). It ranges from unwelcome flirting, comments, and sexist or sexual jokes to more overt “quid pro quo” explicit requests for sexual favors in exchange for job security or enhancement. Sexual harassment victims suffer effects similar to bullying victims: stress, anxiety, illness, and impaired performance (Dougherty 2009; Schneider, Swan, and Fitzgerald 1997). Research indicates sexual harassment occurs between supervisors and subordinates as well as among peers. Research consistently indicates women are more likely to be sexual harassment victims than men. Men, however, are also subjected to it, perhaps in greater numbers than is known due to the perceive stigma attached to reporting it (Lee 2000). Finally, although research focuses on sexual harassment in heterosexual dyads, homosexual employees are also victims of such abuse (Katz-Wise and Hyde 2012).
Bullying and sexual harassment can occur during any socialization stage. Supervisors might make sexist statements to newcomers on their first day or begin months later when they are veteran employees; coworkers might insult or intimidate new coworkers and continue that behavior over the employees’ tenure. This negative interpersonal communication likely creates additional uncertainty for victims and observers alike.
4.9 Unique experiences
The discussion so far suggests interpersonal communication experiences are similar for organizational members. Although there are commonalities in employees’ experiences, each individual’s experience is somewhat unique. In particular, individuals who are not part of the dominant organizational culture due to gender, race, socio-economic class, religious, or cultural background may have quite different experiences by being either inadvertently or deliberately excluded from opportunities (Bullis and Stout 2000). For example, women in construction work and men in nursing have different interpersonal communication experiences due to gender disparities in those occupations. They may feel over- or under-welcomed and under-represented or over-included as representatives of their group (Allen 2000). They may feel marginalized or experience hostility (Dallimore 2003). These differences may result from broad organizational policies and practices, as well as interpersonal interactions with supervisors and peers. These differences in experiences may influence their likelihood of leaving an organization.
5 Organizational exit
All individuals eventually leave organizations. This is a non-voluntary process when they are dismissed for cause such as poor performance (Fairhurst, Green, and Snavely 1984) or as part of larger organization actions such as layoffs (Tourish et al. 2004). Because individuals dismissed in non-voluntary exits rarely have mutual influence, we focus only on interpersonal communication involved in voluntary exits when individuals choose to leave organizations. The voluntary exit process is conceptualized as having three phases: preannouncement during which an individual considers leaving; announcement from when the person announces plans to leave until s/he actually leaves; and exit when the individual becomes a former member (Jablin 2001). Although conceptually distinct, these phases may overlap and can vary in duration significantly. Interpersonal communication is significant throughout voluntary exit.
During the preannouncement phase individuals consider leaving an organization primarily due to one of three reasons: 1) planned exits, such as knowing they will finish college or have a baby; 2) shocks they experience at work, such as being harassed or passed over for a promotion; or 3) gradual dissatisfaction with an organization (Lee et al. 1996). In general, they seek information to manage their uncertainty about leaving. For example, Tan and Kramer (2012) found individuals considering career changes to lower status jobs sought information from interpersonal sources such as family, friends, coworkers, or individuals in their potential new careers to help them consider the careers’ advantages and disadvantages including economic consequences; however, they tended to seek information in a self-confirming manner, talking to people likely to support a change and avoiding those who might disagree.
Communication openness about leaving varies according to reasons for leaving and the relationship (Klatzke 2008). For example, while searching for new jobs, dissatisfied employees may seek information from close coworkers and family members, but not from supervisors. When leaving due to spousal job transfers, they can be more open in seeking information about job opportunities. Individuals create psychological distance from coworkers by withdrawing from interpersonal relationships to make it easier to leave (Jablin 2001). Individuals considering retiring often increase their communication with family members, but decrease coworker communication (Avery and Jablin 1988). Thus, through interpersonal communication, individuals considering voluntary exit gain information as they finalize their decision to leave or perhaps reconsider and remain in their positions.
The announcement phase from the time when someone announces they are leaving until they depart can vary from a few days to months. During this time, interpersonal communication permeates activities. Through interpersonal communication, people perform impression management as they provide reasons for departing to others often varying this according to the audience (Klatzke 2008). For example, dissatisfied employees may tell their supervisors they are taking advantage of opportunities elsewhere to keep open opportunities to return if needed and only tell closest friends and family the real reasons.
In addition, after withdrawing during preannouncement, many individuals develop concern for the organization and begin communicating to help others prepare for their departure (Jablin 2001). They may recruit people to fill roles they performed from critical task roles, such as a position on a project, to routine activities, like making coffee each morning. They may want to train their replacement(s) whether it is a newcomer or a coworker taking on the responsibility.
A final interpersonal communication activity is often a farewell event. These range from minimal efforts such as going to lunch with close friends one last time to company sponsored events with rented halls and gifts (Kramer 1993). These events allow individuals to communicate that they valued the person and allow for ceremonial closure of work relationships for both people leaving and staying.
After voluntary exit, interpersonal communication changes significantly. For example, retirees experience the loss of communication with former coworkers and may have difficulty adjusting to increased spousal communication (Avery and Jablin 1988). When former employees maintain contact with former coworkers, communication changes. Work-related topics become awkward either because they are no longer relevant or because confidentiality issues make it inappropriate to discuss them; if relationships are maintained, they become focused on nonwork issues (Klatzke 2008). Those who remain adjust their communication as they work to fill communication network holes or create relationships with replacements.
Interpersonal communication is key during voluntary exit as individuals decide to leave and manage impressions as they announce and explain their departures. They often communicate concern for the organization by helping recruit and train replacements. However, once they leave, communication usually decreases rapidly as former colleagues find it difficult to maintain relationships with those who have left and those remaining develop new relationships.
6 Conclusion
Interpersonal communication plays a vital role in individuals’ organizational experiences throughout their lives. Although research has focused on employment settings, much of it is applicable to volunteer settings. The influence of interpersonal communication begins long before individuals start their first employee or volunteer positions and even after they leave the last one. Communication influences peoples’ choices of roles and organizations to join, their experiences as new and established members, and the exit process. This chapter demonstrates research has focused on the influence of interpersonal communication within the organizational experience. To obtain a more complete understanding, we encourage future research exploring the reciprocal relationship of how interpersonal communication outside of organizations influences communication for organizational members and how organizational experiences influence interpersonal relationships elsewhere.
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