Abstract: This chapter provides an overview of audiovisual translation (AVT), understood as the discipline studying the translation of audiovisual texts. It sets out to define different AVT modes, distinguishing between revoicing (dubbing, voiceover, audio description, interpreting, etc.) and subtitling (interlingual and intralingual subtitling, fansubbing, surtitling, etc.). Although more attention is paid to subtitling, dubbing and voiceover since these are the most widespread AVT modes, the chapter also discusses briefly more recent modes related to media accessibility (such as audio description for the blind and subtitling for the deaf and the hard of hearing), as well as those which reflect the use of new technologies and new approaches to translation (e. g., fansubbing). To this end, the chapter refers to the most influential publications and research trends in AVT, focusing on Spanish, and concludes by highlighting new research avenues.
Keywords: accessibility, audiovisual translation, AVT, dubbing, guidelines, Spain, subtitling, synchronization, voiceover
Audiovisual Translation (AVT) is a term widely used nowadays to refer to the translation of audiovisual texts. Although this term seems to be more common among academics, its popularity is also increasing within the audiovisual industry. According to Chaume (2012, 2), the wide use of this term in most European languages (traducción audiovisual, traduction audiovisuelle, traduzione audiovisiva or audiovisuelles Übersetzen) reflects its acceptance after years of tentative provisional terms. Some of the denominations used in the past have focused on specific audiovisual media (such as cinematographic translation, film translation or translation for TV), thus making them insufficient, especially if we consider the wide range of media available nowadays as a result of technological developments (i.e., many viewers consume different types of audiovisual material through the Internet). The term “constrained translation”, coined by Titford (1982) and further developed by Mayoral/Kelly/Gallardo (1988), highlights the complexity of this type of translation and considers that the translator’s task is constrained by the interaction of a wide range of communication elements (images, music, dialogue, etc.).
The term screen translation gained ground especially during the 1990s, with organizations such as the European Association for Studies in Screen Translation (ESIST) still referring to it. Mayoral (2001, 20) argues that this denomination is broader, since it allows for the inclusion and study of a wider range of multimedia products (shown on screen) and modes such as videogame translation and even software and website localization. Probably following a similar line of argumentation, terms such as multimodal, multimedia and media translation – which would include the translation of comics or advertising, for instance – have also been suggested in the past (cf. Gambier/Gottlieb 2001).
Following Chaume (2012, 3), we consider AVT as a generic term at the same level as that of written or oral translation, which can cover a wide range of topics and can be divided into different specialized translation fields (e. g., scientific translation, medical translation, technical translation, legal translation, etc.). The specificity of AVT lies precisely in the specificity of the texts being translated, audiovisual texts, which are characterized by the way information is conveyed and transmitted. As their name suggests, information in audiovisual products is transmitted simultaneously through an acoustic and a visual channel, and conveyed through a wide range of signifying codes, which are articulated following rules and conventions specific to the audiovisual media. Chaume (2012, 100) defines the audiovisual text as “a semiotic construct woven by a series of signifying codes that operate simultaneously to produce meaning”. This semiotic construct has evolved with time, and such developments have resulted in the need to provide translation services for audiovisual texts, as will be shown below.
The role of the translator becomes essential with the introduction of intertitles208 in silent films and, especially, with the advent of talkies. When discussing the history of film translation, Chaves (2000, 20s.) refers to the narrator or commentator, who provided a rather free interpretation of intertitles in silent films, thus enabling access for illiterate or foreign audiences. Narrators were soon substituted by translations of intertitles, either by replacing the actual intertitles on screen (new titles in the target language were created and inserted) or aurally, during the projection of the film, when the original text appeared on screen (ibid., 21).
As far as the advent of talkies is concerned, a wide range of solutions were implemented in an attempt to overcome linguistic barriers in the 1920s and 1930s. Subtitling was one of the first solutions adopted, but it was not very popular due to both the high level of illiteracy across Europe and technical constraints, with subtitles projected on adjacent screens and not on the same screen as the film (cf. Chaume 2004, 46s.). The first attempts at dubbing were not very popular either, also due to technical constraints which made the synchronization of sound and actors’ movements and gestures extremely difficult. With its supremacy endangered, Hollywood promoted multilingual or multiple versions, whereby different language versions of the same movie were shot (cf. Chaves 2000, 29). This meant recruiting not only translators/scriptwriters but also native actors and directors, which resulted in extremely high costs. Eventually, thanks to technological developments such as postsynchronization in the case of dubbing (cf. Ávila 1997) or chemical processes in subtitling (cf. Ivarsson 2004), and to audiences’ habituation to these new AVT modes, dubbing and subtitling were consolidated as the main two AVT modes.
As Ivarsson (2004) argues, subtitling became the preferred transfer mode in smaller language areas such as the Netherlands and Scandinavian countries due to its reduced cost, especially if compared to that of dubbing, but also because of the higher levels of literacy of their populations (cf. Chaume 2004, 47). According to Chaume (ibid.) dubbing was consolidated in countries that adopted a rather protective linguistic policy and that were also able to invest more money in the process, such as France, Italy, Spain and Germany. Although the audiovisual industry has experienced many changes lately, dubbing is still the preferred AVT mode used in Spain. This prevalence is often related to Franco’s regime and its authoritarian and nationalist policies (as is the case with other dubbing countries such as Italy or Germany), but it is worthy of note that dubbing was introduced much earlier in Spain, during the Second Spanish Republic. Indeed, as Chaume (ibid.) advocates, the consolidation of AVT modes is influenced by a plethora of factors, not only political, but also socio-cultural, historical and economic.
Although dubbing and subtitling, together with voiceover, are still regarded as the main AVT modes (cf. Remael 2010, 13), nowadays the AVT landscape is far more complex, with a wide range of transfer modes available, as will be shown below.
Díaz-Cintas/Orero (2010, 441) distinguish between two fundamental approaches as regards language transfer of audiovisual material: revoicing and subtitling. In the former, oral output is transferred aurally in the target language by inserting a new soundtrack, whereas in subtitling there is a change to written mode, and dialogue and other verbal elements are transferred as written text on screen. This distinction between revoicing and subtitling allows for a systematic classification of AVT modes considering technical aspects. However, many other approaches and categorizations have been suggested in this regard. As Hernández Bartolomé/Mendiluce (2005, 92) show, there does not seem to be a common agreement on the number of AVT modes available nowadays, a situation which is even more challenging considering that current technological developments result in the rapid creation of new ones. Since the aim of this chapter is to provide an introduction to audiovisual translation, the focus will be on the three main AVT modes (dubbing, subtitling and voiceover), as well as on relatively recent modes aimed at making audiovisual material accessible to sensory impaired viewers. However, a brief overview of different classifications will be provided below and the reader is thus welcome to further investigate the literature cited.
Dubbing and voiceover are the two most widely-used interlingual209 revoicing modes, not only in Spain, but in other European countries such as Germany, Italy and France. In dubbing, the dialogue in the original language is completely replaced with a recording of the translated dialogue as interpreted by dubbing actors in the target language, whereas in voiceover the original and the translated tracks of dialogue are presented simultaneously to the target viewer, with the volume of the former lowered to avoid confusion due to the overlapping of audio tracks. Dubbing is often referred to as synchronization or lip synch, thus emphasizing the need to synchronize the translated dialogue with the movements of characters on screen. However, not all examples of dubbing require lip synchronization (e. g., if the narrator appears offscreen). For this reason, some authors distinguish between off-screen dubbing and lip synch dubbing.
Chaume (2013, 107ss.) refers to other revoicing modes such as simultaneous interpreting, free commentary, fandubbing and audio description. Indeed, from a technical point of view, audio description (AD) for the blind and partially-sighted could be considered a revoicing mode since it involves “transforming visual images into words, which are then spoken during the silent intervals in audiovisual programmes or live performances” (Díaz-Cintas 2008a, 7). In this case, however, the source text is not the original dialogue, but images, which are translated into words.
Díaz-Cintas and Remael define subtitling as a transfer mode which
“consists of presenting a written text, generally on the lower part of the screen, that endeavours to recount the original dialogue of the speakers, as well as the discursive elements that appear in the image […], and the information that is contained on the soundtrack” (Díaz-Cintas/Remael 2007, 8).
Within this category, it is common to distinguish between interlingual and intralingual modes, the latter including widespread modes such as subtitling for the deaf and the hard of hearing (SDH) and intralingual subtitling for foreign language learning. Respeaking is also a type of intralingual subtitling usually performed during live broadcast, where voice recognition software is used to convert the original dialogue – which is respoken by an interpreter or respeaker – into subtitles. In addition to these, classifications of subtitling modes tend to include surtitling (by which subtitles for opera and theatre performances are projected above the stage) and fansubbing, which refers to the subtitling done by fans and normally distributed over the Internet.
Although it is common to distinguish between dubbing and subtitling countries, there are many other options as regards the transfer of audiovisual material, as this section has illustrated. In addition, it should be noted that in some cases the choice will depend on the genre of the audiovisual product being translated or on the audiovisual medium. For instance, cartoons are dubbed all over the world, and in some countries (e. g., Mexico, Brazil) dubbing is used for TV whereas subtitling is used for cinema productions.
Chaume defines dubbing as an AVT mode which
“consists of replacing the original track of a film’s (or any audiovisual text) source language dialogue with another track on which translated dialogue has been recorded in the target language” (Chaume 2012, 1).
Such replacement must be done bearing in mind the synchronization between the new track and the rest of the text components (e. g., images). Dubbing is also characterized by the numerous agents who work towards the common goal of “offering an audiovisual product in the target language that can be accepted by the audience as a credible illusion” (Matamala 2010, 102). Once the audiovisual text has been translated, it needs to be adapted and synchronized by the dialogue writer or adapter. This is why the work done by the translator is often referred to as a draft or “rough translation” (Whitman-Linsen 1992, 105), which will undergo many changes during the adaptation process. Dialogue writers adapt the rough translation to the articulatory movements of the onscreen characters, paying particular attention to ensure that the translation respects the open vowels and bilabial and labiodental consonants uttered on screen (cf. Chaume 2012, 73). This kind of synchrony is called “phonetic synchrony” and is only relevant in shots where the character’s face is clearly visible (ibid.). Adapters should also make sure that the duration of the translation is identical to that of on-screen characters’ utterances, a type of synchrony referred to as isochrony. Chaume (ibid., 70) also refers to “kinesic synchrony”, by which the translation should be synchronized with the actors’ body movements.
Dialogue writing might also involve dividing the text into dubbing units (takes) and inserting dubbing symbols which will ease the interpretation of the adapted dialogue by voice talents. For example, by inserting the symbol OFF before an utterance where the character is off-screen, the dialogue writer is letting the actor know that it is not necessary to pay attention to phonetic synchrony. Chaume (2004, 96ss.) provides a detailed description of the symbols used in Spain, both in Spanish and in Catalan, and in other European countries (cf. Chaume 2007), as well as of the conventions adopted to divide the text into takes. In Spain, the translation and dialogue writing into Spanish are often performed by different people. However, this trend might change in the near future since some scholars have contended that these should be performed by a single person (cf. Chaume 2012, 37), and given that dubbing courses in translation programs are gradually integrating dialogue writing skills in their curriculum (ibid.).
Once the dialogue has been adapted, it will be interpreted by dubbing actors or voice talents, who are recruited and supervised by the dubbing director. Dubbing actors will interpret their dialogue in different takes, which will then be reassembled and edited by sound engineers. This shows that dubbed texts are complex audiovisual products resulting from the interaction of many professionals.
Although synchrony is important in dubbing, the specificities of dubbed texts do not solely rely on synchronization. The interaction between image and word, as well as the recreation of dialogue that mirrors spontaneous conversation, are also specific to dubbed products (cf. Chaume 2012, 66). When considering which dubbing aspect has the greatest impact upon the audience and should thus take precedence over the others, Whitman-Linsen (1992, 54) highlights that “researchers and professional dubbers alike lend the greatest priority to a believable, convincing dialogue”. In this regard, the language of dubbing is often subjected to harsh criticism. Many authors have highlighted its artificiality and unnaturalness, and not only in Spanish (cf. Chaume 2004; Romero-Fresco 2009; Baños 2012; 2014), but also in French (cf. Goris 1993), German (cf. Herbst 1997) and Italian (cf. Pavesi 2008). According to Ávila (1997, 25s.), dubbing studios in Spain recommend using standard language to achieve clear and simple dialogue which meets the needs of viewers. Taking a similar stance, Chaume (2007, 215) considers that some features typifying spontaneous spoken conversation should be avoided by translators, who should bear in mind that “while the language of dubbing pretends to be spontaneous, it is very normative indeed”. It should nevertheless be noted that, whereas linguistic standardization seems to be intrinsic to dubbese or the register of dubbing, unnatural and artificial uses resulting from source text interference (e. g., Anglicisms, pragmatic interference) do not seem to be justified.
Dubbing is generally considered a domesticating type of translation, especially if compared to other AVT modes such as subtitling or voiceover, where audiences are exposed to the original soundtrack – either completely or partially – and it is clear that the product they are consuming is foreign. Some authors claim dubbed productions are more prone to manipulation (cf. Martínez Sierra 2006) and have analyzed these in search of modifications. Whereas in some cases such shifts could be considered adaptations to suit the audience’s taste and target language conventions, or to respect dubbing synchronies, in others they seem unnecessary and gratuitous alterations. However, it should be noted that cases of both technical and ideological manipulation (cf. Díaz-Cintas 2012, 284) can be found in all AVT modes and are not exclusive to dubbing.
As far as research on dubbing is concerned, in addition to the monographic volumes written by Chaume (2004 and 2012), who is one of the main pioneers in AVT research in general and dubbing research in particular, it is worth referring to the work by Whitman-Linsen (1992). This author provides an invaluable insight into the film dubbing industry in Germany, France and Spain, paying particular attention to linguistic and technical aspects. The works of Ávila (1997), Agost (1999) and Chaves (2000) provide detailed analyses of dubbing in Spain, each from a different perspective. Censorship in dubbing, especially during Francoism, has also attracted the attention of several scholars (cf. Ballester 2001), whereas the contribution of authors investigating dubbing into Catalan, Basque or Galician has been crucial to providing a precise picture of the dubbing landscape in Spain (cf. Montero Domínguez 2010). In terms of recent research avenues, scholars have identified the need to delve into specific aspects of dubbing such as technical constraints, audience reception, sociocultural issues, the language and register of dubbing, didactic proposals, and many more which cannot be further explored here due to space constraints.
Within Translation Studies, voiceover could be defined as the revoicing of a translation in a target language, which can be heard simultaneously over the original audio track. This term is, however, used differently in other disciplines, such as Film Studies, where it often refers to extradiegetic dialogue, to voices which are not uttered by characters on screen, but are originated outside it. Thus, professionals from the film and television industry often refer to voiceover narration as “a narrative technique in which the voice of a faceless narrator is heard over different images” (Franco/Matamala/Orero 2010, 18).
In terms of what makes voiceover translation specific, most authors seem to agree that authenticity, faithfulness, standardization and readability are some of the defining traits of this AVT mode. Although synchronization constraints are not as strict as in lip-synch dubbing, synchrony is also important in voiceover. Phonetic synchrony is not relevant, yet it is essential that the revoicing is synchronized with the image. In this regard, in addition to kinesic synchrony (cf. above), Orero (2006, 259) refers to “action synchrony”, that is, the need to synchronize the voice delivering the translation with the actions taking place on the screen. Thus, if a character is showing or pointing to a specific element on screen, the translated dialogue must refer to it at the same time it is shown. As far as respecting the duration of the original dialogue (isochrony) is concerned, in voiceover the translation typically starts a few seconds after the original dialogue (which can be heard by viewers), and finishes also a couple of seconds before the dialogue in the foreign language. As a result, the duration of the translation tends to be shorter than the original. Franco/Matamala/Orero (2010, 27) argue that these seconds left at the beginning and the end function as an illusory device which gives viewers the impression that “what is being told in the translation is what is being said in the original”. This is why authors such as Luyken et al. (1991, 41) suggest that translators should be more literal when translating the beginning and end of utterances, especially as regards specific words which are heard and could therefore be understood by the audience (e. g., proper nouns). Franco/Matamala/Orero (2010, 80) term this phenomenon “literal synchrony”.
If linguistic standardization is common in dubbing, it is even more marked in voiceover, where translators should aim to create a fluent translation that is “intelligible and easily readable by the voice talent” (ibid., 77) and which fits within the available space, thus removing oral features such as hesitations, false starts and syntactic dysfluencies. The focus should therefore be on content rather than on form, a principle that is closely related to the genre and function of the texts that tend to be translated for voiceover. Along with subtitling, voiceover is often the preferred mode for translating non-fictional programs “because its defining features contribute to the appeals of reality, truth and authenticity that factual programs count on in order to prove that their arguments are right or believable” (ibid., 25). Indeed, this is the case in Spain, where voiceover has been commonly used for the translation of non-fictional products such as documentaries or interviews. However, it should be noted that this transfer mode is used in Eastern European countries to translate fiction, and that trends seem to be changing as far as Spanish voiceover is concerned, with more genres being translated with this AVT mode. Nowadays, many television channels broadcasting reality shows and talk shows in Spain such as Divinity (e. g., “Tabatha’s Salon Takeover”), MTV España (e. g., “Geordie Shore” or “Ridiculousness”), La Sexta (e. g., “Top Gear”) or Antena3 (e. g., “Kitchen’s Nightmares”) have opted for voiceover. Yet, in these cases, voiceover translation does not seem to comply with “traditional” traits, resorting to sub-standard utterances and emphatic interpretations which are rather typical of dubbing.
Franco/Matamala/Orero (2010, 19s.) maintain that voiceover has received less attention in academia if compared with dubbing and subtitling. These authors have led research in this field, both through individual publications and in their coauthored monograph (2010), where they clarify terminological confusion and define the characteristics and sub-types of this AVT mode, providing an insight into the industry and plenty of examples in Portuguese, Spanish and Catalan. Their individual contributions also reveal interesting trends about this AVT mode: Franco’s (2001) research suggests that, as far as the translation of culture-specific items is concerned, moderate exoticism or foreignization is a positive aspect in documentary translation, since it contributes to the target viewers’ understanding of the culture being portrayed in the documentary. Matamala (2009) has also focused on voiceover in documentaries and, drawing on her experience as a professional translator, provides a very useful overview of its main translational challenges, which include terminological issues, coexistence of different registers and translation modes, and challenging working conditions. Orero (2004) has carried out research on the voiceover translation of unedited or unfinished material of TV interviews (“voiceover for production”) highlighting its specific challenges, and has also delved into the different types of synchronization relevant in this mode (2006), which have been briefly explained above.
Díaz-Cintas explains that subtitles “can be seen as a supplement to the original programme” (2010a, 344) and that, as such, it is essential to consider their interaction with the original text, both visually and acoustically. This applies to any kind of subtitles and, as with the AVT modes already discussed, highlights the need for synchrony: subtitles should appear in synchrony with the original dialogue and image. This is crucial when timing or spotting the subtitles, a process carried out by either translators or technicians, also known as origination or cueing, which involves establishing the in and out times of subtitles (i.e., when they would appear and disappear from the screen). When doing so, both spatial and time constraints should be considered, as will be briefly explained below taking interlingual subtitling as a reference.
Interlingual subtitling is generally limited to two lines, which are displayed horizontally at the bottom of the screen (cf. Díaz-Cintas/Remael 2007, 82). Space restrictions do not end there, since each line cannot exceed a specific number of characters, which is often determined by the media in which the audiovisual product will be broadcast. Although conventions also change depending on the company and the country, the maximum number of characters allowed in television is usually 37, whereas this number increases to 40 in cinema and DVD (ibid., 84). Regarding time constraints, when determining how long a subtitle can stay on screen, the average reading speed of viewers should be considered. Reading speeds depend again on the audiovisual media and the target audience, but scholars often refer to the “six-second rule” (cf. Ivarsson/Carroll 1998; Díaz-Cintas/Remael 2007), whereby “an average viewer can comfortably read in six seconds the text written on two full subtitle lines, when each line contains a maximum of some 37 characters, i.e., a total of 74 characters” (Díaz-Cintas/Remael 2007, 96). Following these guidelines, the average reading speed of viewers would be 12 characters per second (cps) and 140–150 words per minute (wpm). However, as suggested in Díaz-Cintas (2008b, 97), since audiences are nowadays more used to reading text on screen, some companies in the DVD industry are currently applying higher reading speeds (of up to 180 wpm).
Professional subtitling software enables users to spot subtitles taking into consideration a specific reading speed and maximum number of characters, thus facilitating the whole process and making sure that conventions are adhered to. Nowadays, subtitling programs also include advanced features to perfect cueing and, for example, to make sure that subtitles are not maintained during shot changes, which should be avoided as this prompts viewers to re-read the subtitle (cf. de Linde/Kay 1999, 16). Features such as automatic sound wave detection make it possible to synchronize subtitles and dialogue accurately, which is critical for subtitling, not only because poor timing puts viewers off, but also because accurate timing reinforces the internal cohesion of the translated program and helps viewers identify who is speaking (cf. Díaz-Cintas/Remael 2007, 90).
In addition to time and space limitations, scholars tend to point the change of medium (from speech to writing) as one of the challenges of subtitling. As a result, many of the typical features of spontaneous oral conversation will disappear in subtitles. Omissions tend to be more severe if compared to those happening in voiceover translation, due to the need to comply with writing conventions and to the difficulty of reflecting some features of spoken speech in writing. This does not mean that all these features are lost; as Díaz-Cintas/Remael (2007, 63) contend, “quite a few can be salvaged in writing, but rendering them all would lead to illegible and exceedingly long subtitles”.
An interesting concept brought up when discussing traits which are specific to subtitling is that of “vulnerable translation”, suggested by Díaz-Cintas (2001). Such vulnerability resides in the fact that the viewer of a subtitled product is presented not only with the translation, but also with the full original text (unlike dubbing, where the original is completely deleted, or voiceover, where the volume of the original audio track is lowered). This means subtitles “must also stand up to the scrutiny of an audience that may have some knowledge of the original language” (Díaz-Cintas/Remael 2007, 57), which tends to be the case when the original is in English or in a language with similar roots to the target language (e. g., Spanish and Catalan or Italian, for instance). This is one of the reasons why a high number of viewers have a rather negative opinion of subtitles (ibid., 55), which is further worsened by the fact that many of them are unaware of the true nature of subtitling and the challenges it entails. Criticisms often refer to subtitles being too standard or not fully reflecting what is being said in the original. However, this is not the purpose of subtitling which, in fact, can never and should not be a complete and detailed rendering of the original (ibid., 145).
Given its specificities, translators often have to resort to reduction and condensation in subtitling, not only to comply with space and time constraints, but also to make sure viewers can pay attention to the many components that interact in an audiovisual product, in addition to subtitles. In order to promote readability, subtitles should be segmented carefully, following syntactic and semantic considerations, as explained by Karamitroglou (1998). This author outlines a detailed set of subtitling standards, arguing the need for a unifying code of subtitling practices in Europe which will determine how to deal not only with temporal and spatial constraints, but also with typographical issues. It is worth noting that the latter are often different to those used in other types of translation and that they vary even among European countries210, as reflected in Díaz-Cintas/Remael (2007, 102ss.).
With regard to research on subtitling, as can be gathered from the information included above, Díaz-Cintas has contributed greatly to research in this field, not only with generic monographs in Spanish (2001 and 2003), but also with specific publications exploring particular aspects of subtitling such as its didactics (2008a). In addition to the work by Díaz-Cintas/Remael (2007), as far as more generic publications on subtitling are concerned, it is also indispensable to mention scholars such as Gottlieb (1994), or Ivarsson/Carroll (1998). In the case of Spanish, it is worth noting the work of Mayoral (1993), who has been one of the main pioneers of AVT research and teaching in Spain. Lately, the investigation of more specific aspects such as technical issues (Martí Ferriol 2012), the application of this AVT mode to foreign language learning (Talaván 2013) or fansubbing (Ferrer 2005; Díaz-Cintas/Muñoz Sánchez 2006), among many others, have truly consolidated this field of research and revealed potential interdisciplinary approaches.
Although the term fansubbing originally referred to the subtitling of Japanese animation by fans (cf. Díaz-Cintas/Muñoz Sánchez 2006), this practice is currently widespread in many languages and audiovisual products and, in Spain, it is common especially in the case of US television series. Fansubbing is often done by fans for fans and, as Ferrer (2005, 30) notes, its norms and conventions differ from those followed in professional subtitling. Mainly, fansubs are less conventional and more innovative, including notes or glosses to clarify some aspects or provide more information, as well as using different fonts and colors throughout the same program (ibid.). Space constraints are also looser in fansubbing, since the position of subtitles on screen is variable and some subtitles can contain up to four lines (ibid.). Differences are obvious and, as Díaz-Cintas/Remael (2007, 27) explain, some fans prefer to use the term subbing, to emphasize the peculiar nature of what they do and to distinguish it from traditional subtitling.
Fansubbing communities often implement some kind of quality control, and their organization and processes, characterized by meticulous coordination and constant teamwork, could be said to mirror professional practices (cf. Díaz-Cintas/Muñoz Sánchez 2006, 40ss.). However, quality is often an issue, given that the translation is done by amateurs, often under severe time constraints and in a rather segmented manner (e. g., episodes of TV series are split between different translators). According to Ferrer (2005, 29), it is common to see spelling mistakes, calques and literal translations in anime subtitled by fans from Japanese into Spanish. Díaz-Cintas/Muñoz Sánchez (2006, 46) also provide examples of source text misunderstandings, especially when the text is translated from Japanese using English as a pivot language, thus identifying some quality-related issues. However, they also argue that “on occasions some fansubs do not have anything to envy to the quality of the licensed translations, commercially distributed on DVD or broadcast on television” (ibid., 46). In any case, fansubbing is guided by different quality standards, and fansubbers seem to prefer translations which retain as many cultural and linguistic aspects from the original culture as possible (cf. Ferrer 2005, 29).
If the purpose of the AVT modes discussed above is to make an audiovisual program available to viewers who do not understand the language in which this program was originally created, the modes which will be discussed here aim to make audiovisual material accessible to sensory impaired audiences. The focus will be on subtitling for the deaf and the hard of hearing (SDH) and on audio description for the blind and partially sighted (AD). Although the inclusion of these modes within AVT has been controversial because they do not imply a transfer between languages, they are considered here an integral part of AVT, a view currently held by many scholars.
SDH is a type of subtitling targeted at people who are deaf or with a hearing impairment. Although SDH could be interlingual (a movie originally in English could have SDH subtitles in German, for instance), it tends to be intralingual, especially in Spain. Pereira defines this mode as follows:
“El subtitulado para sordos se podría definir como una modalidad de trasvase entre modos (de oral a escrito) y, en ocasiones, entre lenguas; consiste en presentar en pantalla un texto escrito que ofrece un recuento semántico de lo que se emite en el programa en cuestión, pero no sólo de lo que se dice, cómo se dice (énfasis, tono de voz, acentos e idiomas extranjeros, ruidos de la voz) y quién lo dice, sino también de lo que se oye (música y ruidos ambientales) y de los elementos discursivos que aparecen en la imagen (cartas, leyendas, carteles, etc.)” (Pereira 2005, 162).211
As this definition shows, the type of information included in subtitles is one of the differing aspects between SDH and subtitling for hearing audiences. The information on how something is said (if the character is shouting, whispering or stuttering) is normally included in brackets and/or upper case, although some guidelines also suggest the use of emoticons for this purpose (cf. Pereira/Lorenzo 2005, 24). As far as sound effects are concerned, Pereira/Lorenzo (ibid.) distinguish between those made by characters on screen with their voices (e. g., coughing, whistling, burping, etc.) and those from external sources (e. g., telephone, bell ringing, sound of water, etc.). These can be included in subtitles by inserting a description of the sound or an onomatopoeia, not necessarily at the bottom of the screen (cf. Díaz-Cintas 2010b, 168). Music can play an essential role in audiovisual productions and, as Díaz-Cintas (ibid., 170) suggests, its rendering in SDH is one of the main challenges for the subtitler. The current trend is to subtitle the lyrics of those songs which are somehow related to the action on screen or which help to describe and define characters, and to include a description of the type of music or song for those tracks which do not contribute to creating meaning in the audiovisual product.
Various methods are used to make sure the audience can locate and identify a speaker in SDH: some subtitles do this by using different colors, whereas others include the name of the character speaking before the utterance. Another option is to change the position of subtitles placing them underneath the character who is uttering them (cf. de Linde/Kay 1999, 15). For the audience to identify who is talking at a given time, subtitles should also be synchronized with the image and with the original dialogue (cf. Díaz-Cintas 2010b, 161).
Pereira/Lorenzo (2005, 22) claim that SDH spatial constraints are slightly less severe than in interlingual subtitling, with some conventions allowing subtitles of up to three lines in exceptional cases. As was the case with interlingual subtitling, conventions and norms such as the one discussed by Pereira/Lorenzo (2005) in the case of Spain (UNE 153010) are useful for the standardization of relatively recent practices but, as these and other authors argue (cf. Neves 2008), more descriptive studies are needed to find out how widespread its use is, and how prescriptivism fits with taking into consideration the needs of different viewers. In this regard, Neves (2008, 131) points out that one of the main challenges of SDH is that it “aims to cater for a wide range of viewers that are inadequately grouped together, since they have distinct profiles and needs”. Although more research is still needed in this area, as well as on other aspects of SDH, publications such as Díaz-Cintas/Orero/Remael (2007), Jiménez Hurtado (2007) or Orero (2007), among many others, are certainly bridging the gap and contributing greatly to knowledge development not only in SDH but in accessibility for the media in general.
Benecke (2004, 78) defines audio description as “the technique used for making theatre, movies and TV programs accessible to blind and visually impaired people”, consisting in adding a narration describing the action, body language, facial expressions, scenery and costumes in between the dialogue, making sure this does not interfere with important sound and music effects. In addition to live and filmed audiovisual material, AD services are also provided in some museums and art galleries.
Although there is still a long way to go, the growing importance of AD is reflected by improvements in various national legal codes for the provision of AD services and by the publication of guidelines with the aim of standardizing this practice in some countries. However, Braun (2008, 17) argues that, so far, guidelines provide little insight into what makes an effective audio description. Disparity of opinions is also common, and there is often no full agreement as regards how, when and what should be described. Spanish guidelines contend that descriptions should be as objective as possible to enable audiences to interpret what is happening on screen by themselves (cf. Díaz-Cintas 2010b, 174). When doing so, audio describers should use a fluent and simple style, trying to maintain audience engagement (ibid.).
With regard to the process in AD, Benecke (2004, 79) states that descriptions in Germany are written by three people, one of whom would be a blind person who will indicate when the description is needed, as well as how much and what kind of information should be included. This is done to make sure the needs of the audience are considered. Yet, as was the case with SDH, the audience of audio described products is bound to be heterogeneous, including partially-sighted and congenitally-blind people, as well as those who were once sighted (cf. Braun 2008, 17), which makes this practice even more challenging.
Complementing research focused on existing guidelines, descriptive studies have been carried out lately to gain a better understanding of AD practices all over the world. In the case of Spain, in addition to the works already mentioned, it is worth noting the research carried out by Transmedia Catalonia212 and by members of the TRACCE213 project. As far as recent research is concerned, new modes have also awakened the interest of scholars. This is the case with audiosubtitling, a complex practice which aims to make foreign subtitled films accessible to visually impaired communities by revoicing the subtitles that appear on screen (cf. Braun/Orero 2010). However, this mode is not common in Spain, where visually-impaired viewers can only enjoy products created originally in Spanish or foreign productions dubbed into Spanish (cf. Díaz-Cintas 2010b, 175).
As this chapter has shown, AVT research has experienced an exponential growth since the first scholarly publications in the 1980s. Technological developments have played a key role, allowing the emergence of new AVT modes, enabling their coexistence in a single format, as well as the mass distribution of audiovisual content. Among other aspects, this chapter has discussed how the specificities of audiovisual texts, as well as the heterogeneity of audiences, determine the challenging nature of audiovisual translation. Although there is undoubtedly some common ground, these challenges are realized differently depending on the AVT mode under study and the conventions of the culture where these are implemented. The research carried out to date has enabled us to obtain a detailed picture of each of these modes and cultural realities, to establish parallels, point out divergences and learn from examples of good practice. Now it is perhaps time to look back to ascertain how things have changed, for the better or for the worse, by carrying out systematic diachronic studies. Such studies could let us establish if, for instance, average subtitle reading speeds have increased over time.
More reception studies are also needed in order to gauge audiences’ views and to assess cognitive aspects in different AVT modes. It would also be beneficial to gain greater insight into the translation process and professional aspects, especially in lesser-explored areas (e. g., fandubbing), and to make sure that findings inform curriculum design and development. An exciting area of research is that of AVT and foreign language learning, with European projects such as ClipFlair214 focusing on the potential of both subtitling and revoicing modes to learn a foreign language, and offering an online platform to actually put this into practice.
Audiovisual translation is about making audiovisual content accessible to all. In this sense, media accessibility has become a key concept in this discipline, devoted to studying how linguistic and sensory barriers can be overcome to make audiovisual products accessible. Despite significant developments in this field, there is still work to be done, especially with regard to legislation and the amount of audiovisual material which is really offered to sensory impaired viewers, not only through television but in a variety of media.
As the works quoted in this chapter show, Spain has hosted many scholars and research groups specializing in AVT and, as a result, we now have a better understanding of how the languages spoken in Spain are used in translated audiovisual products (especially Spanish and Catalan), as well as of which factors, conventions and norms govern their production. Yet we need more information on the AVT practices and conventions implemented in other Spanish-speaking countries such as Mexico or Argentina, where there is a strong AVT tradition and production, but only limited research has been carried out.
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