Notes

Chapter 1

1 I use the word ‘peasant’ very reluctantly since the word is not an accurate term to refer to Chinese residents with rural registration. The term peasant, which came from the West, was applied to the rural population in China at the beginning of the twentieth century. In fact, the Chinese word nongmin, like many contemporary Chinese words and phrases (such as zhengzhi (politics), jingji (economy) and mingzhu (democracy), came from Japan (see Myron. L. Cohen, ‘Cultural and Political Inventions in Modern China: The Case of the Chinese “Peasant”’, Daedalus, Vol. 122, No. 2, 1993, p. 167). After the Meiji Restoration, Japan adopted many concepts and practices from the West. However, owing to the fact that many of the western concepts could not find their appropriate and ready Japanese counterparts, Japanese began to use Chinese characters or kanji to express their meanings. Nongmin was such an invented phrase to match the English word peasant. The word peasant is usually used in a pejorative sense for impoverished farmers. Peasants often refer to traditional farmers who are back- ward and superstitious in a pre-industrial society. Therefore it is inappropriate to use such a culturally and politically biased word to refer to residents with rural hukou in southern Jiangsu province since this region is fairly developed and industrialized and, as will be demonstrated in the findings later, the rural residents in this region are not necessarily politically backward and traditional. However, since peasant is such a common term to refer to a rural resident in China, I will continue to use the term throughout interchangeably with such terms as rural resident and villager.

2 Some of these books include: Philip C.C. Huang, The Peasant Economy and Social Change in North China (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1985); William Parish, ed., Chinese Rural Development: The Great Transformation (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 2005); P.S. Ho, Rural China in Transition: Non-agricultural Development in Rural Jiangsu, 1978–1990 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994); Eduard B. Vermeer, Frank N. Pieke and Woei Lien Chong, eds, Cooperative and Collective in China's Rural Development (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1998); Weixing Chen, The Political Economy of Rural Development in China: 1978–1999 (Westport, CONN: Prager, 1999); Jonathan Unger, The Transformation of Rural China (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 2002); William Byrd and Lin Qingsong, eds, China's Rural Industry: Structure, Development, and Reform (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990); Susan Whiting, Power and Wealth in Rural China: The Political Economy of Institutional Change (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001); Jean C. Oi, State and Peasant in Contemporary China: The Political Economy of Village Government (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1989); Fleming Christianson and Zhang Junzuo, eds, Village Inc.: Chinese Rural Society in the 1990s (Surrey: Curzon Press, 1998); and Anita Chan, Richard Madsen and Jonathan Unger, Chen Village under Mao and Deng (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1984), Bruce Gilley, Model Rebels: The Rise and Fall of China's Richest Village (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2001); and Gregory Eliyu Guldin, What's A Peasant To Do? Village Becoming Town in Southern China (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2001).

3 Peter Moody, ‘Trends in the Study of Chinese Political Culture,’ China Quarterly, No. 139 (1994), p. 740.

4 Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations (Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications, 1989), p. 12.

5 Ronald Inglehart, Modernization and Postmodernization: Cultural, Economic, and Political Change in 43 Societies (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997), pp. 50–1.

6 See Yang Zhong and Tao Wu, ‘The “China Problem” in the Eyes of the China Watchers,’ Journal of Contemporary China, No. 6 (Summer 1994), pp. 61–4.

7 Michael Oksenberg, A Bibliography of Secondary English Language Literature on Contemporary Chinese Politics (New York: East Asian Institute, Columbia University, 1970), p. iv.

8 Lucian Pye, The Spirit of Chinese Politics (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992), p.1.

9 See Harry Harding,‘The Evolution of American Scholarship on Contemporary China’, in David Shambaugh, ed, American Studies of Contemporary China (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1993) p. 16.

10 Ibid., p. 29.

11 See Steve Chan, ‘Chinese Political Attitudes and Values in Comparative Context: Cautionary Remarks on Cultural Attributions,’ Journal of Chinese Political Science, Vol. 13, No. 3 (2008), p. 226.

12 See Andrew Nathan's comments on Lucian Pye's works, ‘Is Chinese Culture Distinctive? A Review Article,’ Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 52, No. 4 (1993), p. 933.

13 Adam Przeworski and Henry Teune, The Logic of Comparative Social Inquiry (New York: Wiley, 1970), pp. 5–8.

14 See Pye, The Spirit of Chinese Politics, pp. 13–16.

15 Nathan, ‘Is Chinese Culture Distinctive? A Review Article,’ p. 930.

16 For example, Moody has serious reservations about using surveys in studying political culture. See Moody, ‘Trends in the Study of Chinese Political Culture,’ pp. 731–40.

17 Steve Chan, ‘Chinese Political Attitudes and Values in Comparative Context: Cautionary Remarks on Cultural Attributions,’ p. 241.

18 Shiping Hua, Chinese Political Culture: 1989–2000 (Armonk, New York: M.E. Sharpe, 2001).

19 See Kate Xiao Zhou, How the Farmers Changed China: Power of the People (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1996), p. xv.

20 Daniel Kelliher, Peasant Power in China: The Era of Rural Reform, 1979–1989 (New Haven, Yale University Press, 1992), p. 6.

21 See John Burns, Political Participation in Rural China (Berkeley, CA: University Press of California, 1988), p.194; Kelliher, Peasant Power in China: The Era of Rural Reform, 1979–1989, p. 252; and Zhou, How the Farmers Changed China: Power of the People, p. xii and pp. 11–12.

22 See Harry Harding, ‘The Contemporary Study of Chinese Politics: An Introduction,’ The China Quarterly, No. 139 (September 1994), p. 700, and Jie Chen and Peng Deng, China Since the Cultural Revolution: From Totalitarianism to Authoritarianism (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1995), Chs 1 and 2.

23 Alan P.L. Liu, Mass Politics in the People's Republic: State and Society in Contemporary China (Boulder: Westview Press, 1996), p. 2.

24 Illiteracy rate in Jiangsu is 9 percent while the national average is around 19 percent, see Suzhou Statistical Yearbook (Beijing: China Statistics Press, 1998); Wuxi Statistical Yearbook (Beijing: China Statistics Press, 1998); Changzhou Statistical Yearbook (Beijing: China Statistics Press, 1998); and Suzanne Ogden, Global Studies: China, 8th edn (Guilford, CT: Dushkin/ McGraw-Hill, 1999), p. 4.

25 The reason we decided not to include illiterate peasants in our survey is based upon the results of a pre-test conducted prior to the survey. Our experience with the pre-test is that most of the illiterate peasants had so many cognitive problems in comprehending the questions that we had to explain the entire questions. In fact, we observed that when the interviewers tried to explain the questions to the respondents they tended to inject their own opinions or biased examples. To avoid such biases and induced answers, we decided to eliminate the illiterate population from our survey. Fortunately, only 9 percent of the rural population in the areas we surveyed is illiterate. I don't believe this elimination should have any major impact on the findings.

26 Melanie Manion, ‘Survey Research in the Study of Contemporary China: Learning from Local Surveys,’ China Quarterly, No. 139 (1994), pp. 741–65.

27 Przeworski and Teune, The Logic of Comparative Social Inquiry, pp. 34–9.

28 On the high response rate in China, see Tianjian Shi, Political Participation in Beijing (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997).

29 On the two Beijing surveys conducted among Beijing residents in the 1990s, see Yang Zhong, Jie Chen, and John Scheb, ‘Mass Political Culture in Beijing: Findings from Two Public Opinion Surveys.’ Asian Survey, Vol. 38, No. 8 (1998), pp. 763–83.

Chapter 2

1 This chapter was adapted from my article ‘Democratic Values among Chinese Peasantry: An Empirical Study,’ China: An International Journal, Vol. 3, No. 2 (2005), pp. 189–211.

2 Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963), p. 498.

3 James L. Gibson and Raymond M. Duch, ‘Emerging Democratic Values in Soviet Political Culture,’ in, Arthur H. Miller, William M. Reisinger, and Vicki L. Hesli, eds, Public Opinion and Regime Change: The New Politics of Post-Soviet Societies (Boulder: Westview Press, 1993), p. 72.

4 See Kevin O'Brien and Lianjiang Li, ‘The Politics of Lodging Complaints in Rural China,’ The China Quarterly, No. 143 (1995), pp. 756–83.

5 Tyrene White, ‘Reforming the Countryside,’ Current History. Vol. 91, No. 566 (1992), p. 277.

6 See Robert Dahl, Polyarchy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1971); and James Gibson, Raymond M. Duch, and Kent L. Tedin, ‘Democratic Values and the Transformation of the Soviet Union,’ Journal of Politics, Vol. 54, No. 2 (1992), pp. 329–71.

7 Ronald Inglehart, ‘Values, Objective Needs and Subjective Satisfaction among Western Publics,’ Comparative Political Studies, Vol. 9, No. 4 (1977), pp. 429–58; and Samuel H. Barnes, Barbara G. Farah, and Felix Heunks, ‘Personal Dissatisfaction’ and ‘Political Dissatisfaction,’ in Samuel H. Barnes and Max Kaase, eds, Political Action: Mass Participation in Five Western Democracies (Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications, 1979), pp. 384–407 and pp. 409–30.

8 Ada Finifter and Ellen Mickiewicz, ‘Redefining the Political System of the USSR: Mass Support for Political Change,’ American Political Science Review, Vol. 86, No. 4 (1992), pp. 857–74.

9 Yang Zhong, ‘Legitimacy Crisis and Legitimation in China,’ Journal of Contemporary Asia, Vol. 26, No. 2 (1996), pp. 201–20.

10 Gabriel A. Almond, ‘Capitalism and Democracy,’ PS: Political Science and Politics, Vol. 24, No. 3 (1991), pp. 467–74; Charles Lindblom, Politics and Markets (New York: Basic Books, 1977); Joseph Schumpeter, Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1942); and Barrington Moore, The Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy (New York: Beacon, 1966).

11 Gibson and Duch, ‘Emerging Democratic Values in Soviet Political Culture,’ in Miller, Reisinger, and Hesli, eds, Public Opinion and Regime Change: The New Politics of Post-Soviet Societies, pp. 69–94.

12 Yang Zhong, Jie Chen, and John Scheb, ‘Mass Political Culture in Beijing: Findings from Two Public Opinion Surveys,’ Asian Survey, Vol. 38, No. 8 (1998), pp. 763–83.

13 Angus Campbell, Gerald Gurin, and Warren Miller, The Voter Decides (Evanston, IL: Row and Peterson. 1954), p. 187.

14 Yang Zhong, ‘Legitimacy Crisis and Legitimation in China,’ pp. 206–20.

15 See Finifter and Mickiewicz, ‘Redefining the Political System of the USSR: Mass Support for Political Change,’ pp. 857–74.

16 Yongnian Zheng, ‘Development and Democracy: Are They Compatible in China?’ Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 109 (1994), pp. 235–59.

17 Alfred Chan and Paul Nesbitt-Larking, ‘Critical Citizenship and Civil Society in Contemporary China,’ Canadian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 28, No. 2 (1995), pp. 293–309.

18 Almond and Verba, The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations, pp. 379 and 380–4.

19 Gibson and Duch, ‘Emerging Democratic Values in Soviet Political Culture,’ p. 355.

20 Andrew Nathan and Tianjian Shi, ‘Cultural Requisites for Democracy in China: Findings from a Survey,’ Daeldalus, Vol. 122, No. 2 (1993), pp. 112–14.

21 Jean Robinson and Kristin Parris, ‘The Chinese Special Economic Zones, Labor, and Women,’ in Donna Bahry and Joel Moses, eds, Political Implications of Economic Reform (New York, NY: New York University Press, 1990), pp. 131–61.

22 See Donna Bahry, ‘Politics, Generations, and Change in the USSR,’ in James R. Millar, ed., Politics, Work, and Daily Life in the USSR: A Survey of Former Soviet Citizens (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), pp. 61–99; and Ellen Carnaghan and Donna Bahry, ‘Political Attitudes and the Gender Gap in the USSR,’ Comparative Politics, Vol. 22, No. 4 (1990), pp. 379–99.

23 Gibson, Duch, and Tedin, ‘Democratic Values and the Transformation of the Soviet Union,’ The Journal of Politics, pp. 329–71.

24 Seymour Martin Lipset, Political Man (Garden City, NY: Anchor, 1963), pp. 27–63; and Ronald Inglehart, Modernization and Post-Modernization: Culture, Economic, and Political Changes in 43 Societies (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997), pp. 160–215.

25 Larry Diamond, ‘Economic Development and Democracy Reconsidered,’ in Larry Diamond and Gary Marks, eds, Reexamining Democracy (Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications, 1992), p. 125.

26 Ibid., p. 126.

27 Schumpeter, Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy; and Robert Dahl, Democracy and its Critics (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989).

Chapter 3

1 Max Weber, The Protestant Ethics and the Spirit of Capitalism (New York: Scribners, 1958).

2 Winston Davis, ‘Religion and Development: Weber and the East Asian Experience,’ in Myron Weiner and Samuel P. Huntington, eds, Understanding Political Development (Boston, MA: Little, Brown and Co., 1987), pp. 223–4.

3 Stephen Kalberg, ‘Introduction to the Protestant Ethic’, in Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism with other Writings on the Rise of the West, 4th edn, trans. and intro. by Stephen Kalberg, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), pp. 7–58.

4 See Fritz Ringer, Max Weber: An Intellectual Biography (Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press, 2004), p. 166.

5 Timothy Brook, ‘Profit and Righteousness in Chinese Economic Culture,’ in Timothy Brook and Hy V. Luong, eds, Culture and Economy: The Shaping of Capitalism in Eastern Asia (Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Press, 1997), pp. 27–44.

6 Ringer, Max Weber: An Intellectual Biography, p.165.

7 Ibid., p. 162.

8 Timothy Brook and Hy V. Luong, ‘Introduction: Culture and Economy in the Postcolonial World,’ in Timothy Brook and Hy V. Luong., eds, Culture and Economy: The Shaping of Capitalism in Eastern Asia, p. 7.

9 Cited in Brook, ‘Profit and Righteousness in Chinese Economic Culture,’ pp.39–40.

10 See, for example, Hung-chao Tai, ‘The Oriental Alternative: An Hypothesis on Culture and Economy,’ in Hung-chao Tai, ed., Confucianism and Economic Development: An Oriental Alternative? (Washington, DC: the Washington Institute Press, 1989), pp. 6–37; Kuo-hui Tai, ‘Confucianism and Japanese Modernization: A Study of Shibusawa Eiichi,’ in Hung-chao Tai, ed., Confucianism and Economic Development: An Oriental Alternative?, pp. 70–91; Roger L. Janelli and Dawnhee Yim, ‘The Mutual Constitution of Confucianism and Capitalism,’ in Timothy Brook and Hy V. Luong, eds, Culture and Economy: The Shaping of Capitalism in Eastern Asia, pp. 107–24; and Tae-Kyu Park, ‘Confucian Values and Contemporary Economic Development in Korea,’ in Timothy Brook and Hy V. Luong, eds, Culture and Economy: The Shaping of Capitalism in Eastern Asia, pp. 125–36.

11 Talcott Parsons, The Social System (New York: The Free Press, 1951).

12 Philip C.C. Huang, The Peasant Economy and Social Change in North China (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1985), p. 3.

13 Bin Wong, ‘Chinese Understanding of Economic Change: From Agrarian Empire to Industrial Society,’ in Timothy Brook and Hy V. Luong, eds, Culture and Economy: The Shaping of Capitalism in Eastern Asia, pp. 52–3.

14 See Kate Xiao Zhou, How the Farmers Changed China: Power of the People (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1996), pp. 28–30.

15 Ibid., pp. 46–53.

16 On the decollectivization process from the peasant perspective, see Jonathan Unger, The Transformation of Rural China (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 2002), pp. 94–118.

17 Justin Yifu Lin, ‘Rural Reform and Agricultural Growth in China,’ American Economic Review, Vol. 82, No. 1 (March 1992), p. 35.

18 Ibid., pp. 34–51.

19 Ajmal Qureshi, ‘Food Security in China: Successes and Challenges,’ Harvard International Review (15 September 2008). http://www.harvardir.org/articles/1750/ (accessed on 28 February 2009).

20 See Weixing Chen, The Political Economy of Rural Development in China, 1978–1999 (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1999), p. 75; and Du Haiyan, ‘Causes of Rapid Rural Industrial Development,’ in William Byrd, and Lin Qingsong, eds, China's Rural Industry: Structure, Development, and Reform (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), p. 47.

21 See Zhou, How the Farmers Changed China: Power of the People, p. 106.

22 Ibid., pp.108–31. Zhou vividly described the difficulties that Chinese peasants encountered and the perseverance they showed in developing rural enterprises.

23 On the rise and fall of Yu Zuomin, see Bruce Gilley, Model Rebels: The Rise and Fall of China's Richest Village (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2001).

24 Setting up village conglomerates in the 1980s was very popular in the Chinese countryside. See Weixing Chen, The Political Economy of Rural Development in China, 1978–1999, pp. 71–100.

25 Gilley, Model Rebels: The Rise and Fall of China's Richest Village, p. 183.

26 A detailed description of their success story was reported in the New York Times, http://www.nytimes.com/2009/01/02/business/worldbusiness/02yuan.html?_r=1&scp=1&sq=%20the%20liu%20brothers%20in%20China&st=cse (accessed on 4 March 2009).

27 See Jonathan Unger, The Transformation of Rural China, pp. 126–30.

28 Raymond M. Duch, ‘Tolerating Economic Reform: Popular Support for a free Market in the former Soviet Union,’ American Political Science Review, Vol. 87, No. 3 (September 1993), p. 595.

29 Ibid.

30 Ibid., p. 593.

31 http://community.travelchinaguide.com/forum2.asp?i=43913 (accessed on 10 May 2009).

32 Duch, ‘Tolerating Economic Reform: Popular Support for a Free Market in the former Soviet Union,’ p. 600.

33 Ibid.

34 Joseph A. Schumpeter, Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1942); Barrington Moore, The Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy (New York: Beacon, 1966); Charles E. Lindblom, Politics and Markets (New York: Basic Books, 1977); and Gabriel A. Almond, ‘Capitalism and Democracy.’ PS: Political Science and Politics, Vol. 24, No. 3 (1991), pp. 467–74.

35 Duch, ‘Tolerating Economic Reform: Popular Support for a Free Market in the former Soviet Union,’ pp. 601–2.

36 Ibid., p. 600.

Chapter 4

1 This chapter was adapted from my article ‘Political Interest in Rural Southern Jiangsu Province in China,’ Journal of Chinese Political Science, Vol. 10, No. 2 (2005), pp. 1–20.

2 Sidney Verba, Norman Nie, and Jae-on Kim, The Modes of Democratic Participation: A Cross-national Study (Beverly Hills, CA: Cambridge University Press, 1971); Samuel Huntington and Joan Nelson, No Easy Choice: Political Participation in Developing Countries (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1976); Curtis Gans, ‘The Empty Ballot Box: Reflections on Nonvoters in America,’ Public Opinion, Vol. 1 (1978), pp. 54–7; Sidney Verba, Norman Nie, and Jae-on Kim, Participation and Political Equality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978); Stephen Bennett, Apathy in America, 1960–1984: Causes and Consequences of Citizen Political Indifference (Dobbs Ferry, NY: Transnational Publishers, 1986); and Tom DeLuca, The Two Faces of Political Apathy (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1995).

3 Verba, Nie and Kim, Participation and Political Equality, p. 71.

4 Donna Bahry, ‘Politics, Generations, and Change in the USSR,’ in James R. Millar, ed., Politics, Works, and Daily Life in the USSR: A Survey of Former Soviet Citizens (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987); Donna Bahry and Brian Silver, ‘Soviet Citizen Participation on the Eve of Democratization,’ American Political Science Review, Vol. 84, No. 3 (1990), pp. 821–47.

5 Donna and Silver, ‘Soviet Citizen Participation on the Eve of Democratization.’

6 Jianhua Zhu, Xinshu Zhao, and Hairong Li, ‘Public Political Consciousness in China,’ Asian Survey, Vol. 30, No. 10 (1990), pp. 992–1006.

7 Tianjian Shi, Political Participation in Beijing (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997).

8 Jie Chen and Yang Zhong, ‘Mass Political Interest: Apathy in Urban China,’ Communist and Post-Communist Studies, Vol. 32 (1999), pp. 281–303.

9 Zhu, Zhao and Li, ‘Public Political Consciousness in China,’ p. 992.

10 James Townsend, Political Participation in Communist China (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1967), pp. 10–20.

11 Ibid.

12 John Burns, Political Participation in Rural China (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1988), pp. 1–2.

13 For this perception, see Nicholas Kristof and Sheryl WuDunn, China Wakes: The Struggle for the Soul of a Rising Power (New York: NY: Times Books, 1994); and Arthur Rosenbaum, State and Society in China: The Consequences of Reform (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1992), p. 19.

14 Sidney Verba, Norman Nie and Jae-on Kim, Participation and Political Equality, p. 47–8.

15 Bennett, Apathy in America, 1960–1984: Causes and Consequences of Citizen Political Indifference, p. 33.

16 Robert Dahl, Who Governs: Democracy and Power in an American City (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1961), p. 280.

17 Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1963), pp. 88–9.

18 Ibid., p. 88.

19 Ronald Inglehart, Modernization and Postmodernization: Cultural, Economic and Political Change in 43 Societies (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997), p. 309.

20 See Almond and Verba, The Civic Culture; Verba, Nie and Kim, The Modes of Democratic Participation: A Cross-national Study; Verba, Nie and Kim, Participation and Political Equality; Bennett, Apathy in America, 1960–1984: Causes and Consequences of Citizen Political Indifference; and DeLuca, The Two Faces of Political Apathy.

21 Chen and Zhong, ‘Mass Political Interest: Apathy in Usrban China.’

22 Kent Jennings and Richard Niemi, Generations and Politics: A Panel Study of Young Adults and Their Parents (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1981); and Bennett, Apathy in America, 1960–1984: Causes and Consequences of Citizen Political Indifference.

23 Kent Jennings, ‘Political Participation in the Chinese Countryside,’ American Political Science Review, Vol. 91, No.2 (1997), p. 367.

24 Robert Lane, Political Life: Why and How People Get Involved in Politics (New York, NY: Times Books, 1965), pp. 210–14; and Bennett, Apathy in America, 1960–1984: Causes and Consequences of Citizen Political Indifference, pp. 69–70.

25 Wen Lang Li, ‘Changing Status of Women in the PRC,’ in Shao Chuan Leng, ed., Changes in China: Party, State, and Society (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1989), pp. 201–44.

26 Godwin Chu and Yanan Ju, The Great Wall in Ruins: Communication and Cultural Change in China (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1993), p. 240.

27 Chen and Zhong, ‘Mass Political Interest: Apathy in Urban China.’

28 Almond and Verba, The Civic Culture, p. 381; Verba, Nie and Kim, Participation and Political Equality; Hans Klingemann, ‘The Background of Ideological Conceptualization,’ in Samuel Barnes, et al., eds, Political Action: Mass Participation in Five Western Democracies (Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications, 1979), pp. 255–77; and Inglehart, Modernization and Postmodernization: Cultural, Economic and Political Change in 43 Societies, p. 307.

29 Zhu, Zhao, and Li, ‘Public Political Consciousness in China;’ Andrew Nathan and Tianjian Shi, ‘Cultural Requisites for Democracy in China: Findings from a Survey.’ Daedalus, Vol. 122 (1993), pp. 95–123; and Chen and Zhong, ‘Mass Political Interest: Apathy in Urban China.’

30 Chen and Zhong, ‘Mass Political Interest: Apathy in Urban China.’

31 Jennings, ‘Political Participation in the Chinese Countryside.’

32 Verba, Nie, and Kim, The Modes of Democratic Participation: A Cross-National Study, p. 126.

33 Walter Lippmann, Men of Destiny (New York: NY: The Macmillan Co., 1927).

34 Kristof and WuDunn, China Wakes: The Struggle for the Soul of a Rising Power.

35 Chen and Zhong, ‘Mass Political Interest: Apathy in Urban China.’

36 Yang Zhong, Local Government and Politics in China: Challenges from Below (Armonk, New York: M.E. Sharpe, 2003), pp. 5–7.

37 Lane, Political Life: Why and How People Get Involved in Politics; Jennings and Niemi, Generations and Politics: A Panel Study of Young Adults and Their Parents; Bennett, Apathy in America, 1960–1984: Causes and Consequences of Citizen Political Indifference; and Jennings, ‘Political Participation in the Chinese Countryside,’ American Political Science Review.

Chapter 5

1 David Easton, A Systems Analysis of Political Life (New York: Wiley, 1965).

2 See Arthur H. Miller, ‘In Search of Political Legitimacy,’ in Arthur H. Miller, M. Reisinger, and Vicki Hesli, eds, Public Opinion and Regime Change: The New Politics of Post Soviet Societies (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993), p. 95.

3 Samuel Huntington, The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (Norma, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1992), pp. 27–8.

4 International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 9 (New York: Macmillan, 1968), p. 244.

5 See also Leslie Holmes, The End of Communist Power: Anti-Corruption Campaigns and Legitimation Crisis (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), p. 10.

6 This point was well argued in Ferenc Feher, Agnes Heller, and Gyorgy Markus, Dictatorship over Needs (Oxford: Blackwell, 1984), p. 137.

7 Max Weber, The Theory of Social and Economic Organization (Glencoe, IL: Free Press, 1947), p. 328.

8 See Rodney Barker, Political Legitimacy and the State (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), p. 52.

9 For a full discussion of the CCP's legitimacy, see Yang Zhong, ‘Legitimacy Crisis and Legitimization in China,’ Journal of Contemporary Asia, Vol. 26, No. 2 (1996), pp. 201–20.

10 See Roy C. Macridis and Steven L. Burg, Introduction to Comparative Politics: Regimes and Changes (New York: Harper Collins Publishers, 1991), pp. 9–10.

11 Seymour Martin Lipset, Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics (Garden City, New York: Anchor, 1963).

12 Easton, A Systems Analysis of Political Life; and ‘A Reassessment of the Concept of Political Support,’ British Journal of Political Science, Vol. 5 (1975), pp.435–57.

13 Edward N. Muller and Thomas O. Jukam, ‘On the Meaning of Political Support,’ American Political Science Review, Vol. 71, No. 1 (1977), p. 1566.

14 See Chen, Zhong, and Hillard, ‘The Level and Sources of Popular Support for China's Current Political Regime,’ Communist and Post-Communist Studies, Vol. 30, No. 1 (1997), p. 49; Yongnian Zheng, ‘Development and Democracy: Are they Compatible in China?,’ Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 109 (1994), pp. 256–9; and Alfred Chan and Paul Nesbitt-Larking, ‘Critical Citizenship and Civil Society in Contemporary China,’ Canadian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 28 (1995), pp. 293–309.

15 Easton, ‘A Reassessment of the Concept of Political Support,’ p. 437.

16 See, for example, Seymour Martin Lipset, ‘Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy,’ American Political Science Review, Vol. 53, No. 1 (1959), pp. 69–105; Muller and Jukam,‘On the Meaning of Political Support;’ Edward N. Muller and Carol J. Williams,‘Dynamics of Political Support-Alienation,’ Comparative Political Studies, Vol. 13, No. 1 (1980), pp. 33–59; Edward N. Muller, Thomas O. Jukam, and Mitchell A. Seligson, ‘Defuse Political Support and Antisystem Political Behavior: A Comparative Analysis,’ American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 26, No. 2 (1982), pp. 240–64; and Steven L. Burg and Michael L. Berbaum, ‘Community, Integration, and Stability in Multinational Yugoslavia,’ American Political Science Review, Vol. 83, No. 1 (1989), pp. 535–54.

17 Lipset, ‘Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy.’

18 See Macridis and Burg, Introduction to Comparative Politics: Regimes and Changes; and Steven E. Finkel, Edward N. Muller, and Mitchell Seligson, ‘Economic Crisis, Incumbent Performance and Regime Support: A Comparison of Longitudinal Data from West Germany and Costa Rica,’ British Journal of Political Science, Vol. 19 (1989), pp. 329–251.

19 Macridis and Burg, Introduction to Comparative Politics: Regimes and Changes, p. 9.

20 Chen, Zhong, and Hillard, ‘The Level and Sources of Popular Support for China's Current Political Regime,’ p. 59.

21 Muller and Jukam, ‘On the Meaning of Political Support,’ pp. 1565–7; Finkel, Muller, and Seligson, ‘Economic Crisis, Incumbent Performance and Regime Support: A Comparison of Longitudinal Data from West Germany and Costa Rica,’ pp. 336–7 and pp. 346–7; and Chen, Zhong, and Hillard, ‘The Level and Sources of Popular Support for China's Current Political Regime’, p. 50.

22 For example, see Yu Guoming and Liu Xiayang, Zhongguo minyi yanjiu [Research on Public Opinion in China] (Beijing: People's University Press, 1994), pp. 85–7; and Chen, Zhong, and Hillard, ‘The Level and Sources of Popular Support for China's Current Political Regime,’ p. 59.

23 Even though village authorities are not a formal level of government and village officials are not officially state employees, they are perceived and treated as state functionaries behaving on behalf of the state.

24 The remaining 30 percent live in urban China.

25 Yang Zhong, Local Government and Politics in China: Challenges from Below (Armonk, New York: M.E. Sharpe, 2003), pp. 128–30.

26 This is a famous saying by Tip O'Neill, Democrat politician for 34 years and Speaker of the US House of Representatives from 1977 until his retirement in 1987.

27 Ronald Inglehart, ‘Values, Objective Needs, and Subjective Satisfaction among Western Publics,’ Comparative Political Studies, Vol. 9 (1977), pp. 429–58; Samuel H. Barnes, Barbara G. Farah and Felix Heunks, ‘Personal Satisfaction,’ in Samuel H. Barnes and Max Kaase, eds, Political Action: Mass Participation in Five Western Democracies (Beverly Hill, CA: Sage Publications, 1979); and Jacques J. Thomassen, ‘Economic Crisis, Dissatisfaction and Protest,’ in Kent Jennings, et al., eds, Continuities in Political Action: A Longitudinal Study of Political Orientation in Three Western Democracies (New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1989), pp. 103–34.

28 Brian Silver, ‘Political Beliefs of the Soviet Citizens: Sources of Support to Regime Norms,’ in James R. Millar, ed., Politics, Work and Daily Life in the USSR: A Survey of Former Soviet Citizens (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), pp. 100–42; and Ada Finifter and Ellen Mickiewicz, ‘Redefining the Political System of the USSR: Mass Support for Political Change,’ American Political Science Review, Vol. 86, No. 4 (1992), pp. 857–74.

29 Zhong, ‘Legitimacy Crisis and Legitimization in China.’

30 Ibid., p. 214.

31 See Chen, Zhong, and Hillard, ‘The Level and Sources of Popular Support for China's Current Political Regime,’ p. 53.

32 Zheng, ‘Development and Democracy: Are They Compatible in China?’ p. 235.

33 Morris P. Fiorina, Retrospective Voting in American National Elections (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1981); H.W. Chappell Jr and W.R. Keech, ‘A New Political Accountability for Economic Performance,’ American Political Science Review, Vol. 79, No. 1 (1985), pp. 10–27; and M.B. MacKuen, R.S. Erikson and J.A. Stimson, ‘Peasants or Bankers? The American Electorate and the U.S. Economy,’ American Political Science Review, Vol. 86, No. 3 (1992), pp. 579–611.

34 J.P. Willerton and Lee Sigelman, ‘Perestroika and the Public: Citizens’ Views of the “Fruits” of Economic Reform,’ in Arthur H. Miller, W.M. Reisinger and Vicki Hesli, eds, Public Opinion and Regime Change: The New Politics of Post-Soviet Societies (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993), pp. 212–17.

35 Raymond Duch, ‘Tolerating Economic Reform: Popular Support for Transition to a Free Market in the Former Soviet Union,’ American Political Science Review, Vol. 87, No. 3 (1993), pp. 601–3.

36 Ibid., p. 603.

37 V.O. Key, Public Opinion and American Democracy (New York: Knopf, 1961); Herbert McClosky and Alida Brill, Dimensions of Tolerance (New York: Basic, 1983); and D. Chong, H. McClosky, and J. Zaller, ‘Social Learning and the Acquisition of Political Norms,’ in H. McClosky and J. Zaller, eds, The American Ethos (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1985), pp. 234–67.

38 Barbara Geddes and John Zaller, ‘Sources of Popular Support for Authoritarian Regimes,’ American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 33, No. 2 (1989), pp. 319–47.

39 Chen, Zhong, and Hillard, ‘The Level and Sources of Popular Support for China's Current Political System,’ p. 59.

40 See, for example, Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1963); Robert Dahl, Polyarchy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1971); Ronald Inglehart, ‘Value Priorities and Socio-economic Change,’ in Samuel H. Barnes and Max Kaase, eds, Political Action: Mass Participation in Five Western Democracies, pp. 305–42; Donna Bahry, ‘Politics, Generations, and Change in the USSR,’ in Millar, ed., Politics, Work, and Daily Life in the USSR: A Survey of Former Soviet Citizens, pp. 61–99; Silver, ‘Political Beliefs of the Soviet Citizens: Sources of Support to Regime Norms;’ Finifter and Mickiewicz, ‘Redefining the Political System of the USSR: Mass Support for Political Change;’ James Gibson, Raymond Duch and Kent Tedin, ‘Democratic Values and the Transformation of the Soviet Union,’ The Journal of Politics, Vol. 54, No. 2 (1992), pp. 329–71; Richard Rose and William Mishler, ‘Mass Reaction to Regime Change in Eastern Europe: Polarization or Leaders and Laggards,’ British Journal of Political Science, Vol. 24 (1994), pp. 159–81; and Ada Finifter, ‘Attitudes toward Individual Responsibility and Political Reform in the former Soviet Union,’ American Political Science Review, Vol. 90, No. 1 (1996), pp. 138–61.

41 Finifter and Mickiewicz, ‘Redefining the Political System of the USSR: Mass Support for Political Change,’ p. 864.

42 Alfred Chan and Paul Nesbitt-Larking, ‘Critical Citizenship and Civil Society in Contemporary China,’ p. 308.

43 Zheng, ‘Development and Democracy: Are They Compatible in China?’

44 Jean Lock, ‘The Effect of Ideology in Gender Role Definition: China as a Case Study,’ Journal of Asian And African Studies, Vol. 24, No. 3–4 (1989), pp. 228–38; and Wen-Lang Li, ‘Changing Status of Women in the PRC,’ in Shao-chuan Leng, ed., Changes in China: Party, State and Society (New York: University Press of America, 1989), pp. 201–24.

45 J.C. Robinson and K. Parris, ‘The Chinese Special Economic Zones, Labor and Women,’ in Donna Bahry and Joel Moses, eds, Political Implications of Economic Reform in Communist Systems: Communist Dialectics (New York: New York University Press, 1990), pp. 131–61; and Kenneth Lieberthal, Governing China: From Revolution to Reform (New York: W.W. Norton, 1995).

46 See J.C. Robinson and K. Parris, ‘The Chinese Special Economic Zones, Labor and Women’.

47 Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture, pp. 380–184.

48 Gibson, Duch and Tedin, ‘Democratic Values and the Transformation of the Soviet Union;’ and Arthur H. Miller, ‘In Search of Regime Legitimacy.’

49 Silver, ‘Political Beliefs of the Soviet Citizen: Source of Support for Regime Norms,’ in Millar, ed., Politics, Work and Daily Life in the USSR: A Survey of Former Soviet Citizens, p. 1010.

50 See Carol Hamrin, ‘Conclusion: New Trends under Deng Xiaoping and His Successors,’ in Merle Goldman, Timothy Cheek and Carol Hamrin, eds, China's Intellectuals and the State: In Search of a New Relationship (Cambridge, MA: Council of East Asian Studies, 1987), pp. 275–311; and Merle Goldman, Sowing the Seeds of Democracy in China (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994).

51 For more about negative regime legitimization, see Zhong, ‘Legitimacy Crisis and Legitimation in China,’ p.214.

Chapter 6

1 The two counties are Yi Shan and Luo Cheng in Guangxi province. Later on, similar organizations were also found in a number of other provinces such as Sichuan and Hebei. See Bai Gang, Report on Improving the Legislation of Village Self-Governance (in Chinese; Working Paper, No. 971103) (Beijing: Center for Public Policy Research, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, 1997), p. 2.

2 Kevin O'Brien and Lianjiang Li, ‘Accommodating “Democracy” in a One-Party State: Introducing Village Elections in China,’ The China Quarterly, No. 162 (2000), p.466.

3 Constitution of the People's Republic of China (Beijing: Law Publishing Press, 1996).

4 Bai Gang, Villages’ Autonomy: Political Participation of Chinese Peasants (in Chinese; Working Paper, No. 960201) (Beijing: Center for Public Policy Research, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, 1996), p. 121.

5 Initially, the adoption of this village election system met resistance from some local government officials and the Organizational Department of the Chinese Communist Party Central Committee, especially during the aftermath of the Tiananmen democracy movement in the summer of 1989. If it were not for Peng Zhen's strong support, the village election system would not have survived. See Gao Chun ‘The Autonomy of Peasants: An Institutional Innovation in Rural China’ (in Chinese), Modern China Studies, No. 5 (1997), p. 121.

6 This revised Organic Law is more comprehensive, providing specific clauses on the implementation of village self-government in China.

7 O'Brien and Li, ‘Accommodating “Democracy” in a One-Party State: Introducing Village Elections in China,’ pp. 485–6.

8 See Sylvia Chan, ‘Research Notes on Villagers’ Committee Election: Chinese- Style Democracy,’ Journal of Contemporary China, Vol. 7, No. 19 (1998), p. 519; and Chun, ‘The Autonomy of Peasants: An Institutional Innovation in Rural China’, p. 212.

9 Tianjian Shi, ‘Voting and Nonvoting in China: Voting Behavior in Plebiscitary and Limited-Choice Elections,’ The Journal of Politics, Vol. 61, No. 4 (1999), p. 1135.

10 Lianjiang Li and Kevin O'Brien, ‘The Struggle over Village Elections,’ in Merle Goldman and Roderick MacFarquhar, eds, The Paradox of China's Post-Mao Reforms (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999), p. 140; and Melanie Manion, ‘The Electoral Connection in the Chinese Countryside,’ American Political Science Review, Vol. 90, No. 4 (1996), p. 745.

11 Daniel Kelliher, ‘The Chinese Debate over Village Self-Government,’ The China Journal, No. 37 (1997), p. 86; Robert Pastor and Qingshan Tan, ‘The Meaning of China's Village Elections,’ The China Quarterly, No. 162 (2000), p. 512; and Tyrene White, ‘Reforming the Countryside,’ Current History, Vol. 91, No. 566 (1992), p. 267.

12 Bai Shazhou, ‘Reevaluating Rural Elections and Village Self-Governance in China,’ (in Chinese), Modern China Studies, No. 4 (2000), pp. 102–33; and Yang Zhong, ‘Village Democracy in China: The Case of Southern Jiangsu Province,’ in Thomas J. Bellows, ed., Taiwan and Mainland China: Democratization, Political Participation and Economic Development in the 1990s (New York: Center of Asian Studies, St John's University, 2000), pp. 269–300.

13 He Qingliang, ‘The Rise of Local Evil Forces,’ (in Chinese), Er shi I shiji yuekan, Vol. 41 (1997), pp. 129–34.

14 Kent Jennings, ‘Political Participation in the Chinese Countryside,’ American Political Science Review, Vol. 91, No. 2 (1997), pp. 361–72.

15 Ibid.

16 Tianjian Shi, ‘Economic Development and Village Elections in Rural China,’ Journal of Contemporary China, Vol. 8, No. 22 (1999), pp. 425–42.

17 Strengthen Rural Grassroots Democracy and Foster Comprehensive Socio- Economic Development, (in Chinese), (Taichang Municipal Government, 1997).

18 Shi, ‘Voting and Nonvoting in China: Voting Behavior in Plebiscitary and Limited-Choice Elections,’ p. 1123.

19 A Guide to Villagers’ Committee Elections in Jiangsu (Jiangsu: Bureau of Civil Affairs, Jiangsu Provincial Government, 1995), p. 10.

20 See Suzhou Statistical Yearbook 2000 (Beijing: China Statistics Press, 2001), p. 94.

21 See Philip G. Roeder, ‘Modernization and Participation in the Leninist Developmental Strategy.’ American Political Science Review, Vol. 83, No. 3 (1989), pp. 859–84; Robert Sharlet, ‘Concept Formation in Political Science and Communist Studies: Conceptualizing Political Participation,’ Canadian Slavic Studies, Vol. 1 (1967), pp. 640–9; and Alexander Shtromas, ‘Dissent and Political Change in the Soviet Union,’ in Erik P. Hoffmann and Robbin F. Laird, eds, The Soviet Polity in the Modern Era (New York: Aldine, 1984), pp. 717–47.

22 Donna Bahry and Brian Silver, ‘Soviet Citizen Participation on the Eve of Democratization,’ American Political Science Review, Vol. 84, No. 3 (1990), pp. 821–48.

23 Wayne DiFranceisco and Zvi Gitelman, ‘Soviet Political Culture and “Covert Participation” in Policy Implementation,’ American Political Science Review, Vol. 78, No. 2 (1984), pp. 603–21; Theordore H. Friedgut, Political Participation in the USSR (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979); and Theordore H. Friedgut, ‘On the Effectiveness of Participatory Institutions in Soviet Communities,’ Research Paper, No. 42 (Jerusalem: Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1981).

24 Rasma Karklins, ‘Soviet Elections Revisited: Voter Abstention in Noncompetitive Voting,’ American Political Science Review, Vol. 80, No. 2 (1986), pp. 449–70.

25 Jerome Gilison, ‘Soviet Elections as a Measure of Dissent: The Missing One Percent,’ American Political Science Review, Vol. 62, No. 3 (1968), pp. 814–26.

26 Larry Diamond, Juan Linz, and Seymour M. Lipset, ‘Preface,’ in Larry Diamond, Juan Linz, and Seymour M. Lipset, eds, Democracy in Developing Countries: Africa (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1988), p. xvii.

27 A Guide to Villagers’ Committee Elections, pp, 44–8.

28 For instance, the election organization committee of Taicang municipal govern- ment was composed of party and government officials from 13 municipal govern- ment departments in its 1999 villagers’ committee elections. See Newsletter of Taicang Municipal Government Affairs (in Chinese), No. 151 (Taicang Municipal Government, 1999), p. 2.

29 Zhong, ‘Village Democracy in China: The Case of Southern Jiangsu Province,’ pp. 269–300.

30 Author's personal interview with Mr Zhu Naibing, head of the Grassroots Government Organization Department, Civil Affairs Bureau, Jiangsu Provincial Government, on 1 June 1998. Not until 1998 and 1999 did Jiangsu villages begin to have cha e xuan ju (having one more name on the candidate list) to make the VC election more competitive. Before that, the only thing that voters could cast as a negative vote was to cross out the name(s) of the candidate(s) on their ballot that they had strong feelings against. Also, hai xuan or open nomination was just being experimented with in Jiangsu in 1999.

31 Strengthen Rural Grassroots Democracy and Foster Comprehensive Socio- Economic Development (in Chinese) (Taichang Municipal Government, 1997), p. 6.

32 The dominant position of the village party committee and party secretary is true nationwide. Innovative ways, such as a two-ballot system in Hequ county, Shanxi province have been experimented with to reduce structurally the power of the village party committee and its secretary. See Lianjiang Li, ‘The Two-Ballot System in Shanxi Province: Subjecting Village Party Secretaries to a Popular Vote,’ The China Journal, Vol. 42 (1999), pp. 103–18.

33 Lianjiang Li and Kevin O'Brien, ‘The Struggle over Village Elections,’ pp. 136–7.

34 See James R. Townsend, Political Participation in Communist China. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1967); and Jie Chen, ‘Subjective Motivations for Mass Political Participation in Urban China,’ Social Science Quarterly, Vol. 81, No. 2 (2000), pp. 645–62.

35 Angus Campbell, Gerald Gurin, and Warren Miller, The Voter Decides (Evanston, IL: Row and Peterson, 1954).

36 Shi, ‘Voting and Nonvoting in China: Voting Behavior in Plebiscitary and Limited-Choice Elections,’ p. 1130.

37 Chen, ‘Subjective Motivations for Mass Political Participation in Urban China.’

38 Samuel P. Huntington, The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991), p. 7.

39 Shi, ‘Voting and Nonvoting in China: Voting Behavior in Plebiscitary and Limited- Choice Elections,’ p. 1135; and O'Brien and Li, ‘Accommodating “Democracy” in a One-Party State: Introducing Village Elections in China,’ p. 488.

40 Chinese Central Television Morning News Report ‘Fruits of the Anti-Corruption Campaign,’ 28 June 2000.

41 Craig Smith, ‘Chinese Farmers Rebel against Bureaucracy,’ New York Times, 17 September 2000, p. 1.

42 Stephen Bennett, Apathy in America, 1960–1984: Causes and Consequences of Citizen Political Indifference (Dobbs Ferry, NY: Transnational Publishers, 1986); Tom DeLuca, The Two Faces of Political Apathy (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1995); Samuel Huntington and Joan Nelson, No Easy Choice: Political Participation in Developing Countries (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1976); and Sidney Verba and Norman Nie, Participation in America: Political Democracy and Social Equality (New York: Harper and Row Publishers, 1972).

43 Bahry and Silver, ‘Soviet Citizen Participation on the Eve of Democratization;’ Donna Bahry, ‘Politics, Generations, and Change in the USSR,’ in James R. Millar, ed., Politics, Work, and Daily Life in the USSR: A Survey of Former Soviet Citizens (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987); and C.S. Kaplan, ‘New Forms of Political Participation,’ in Arthur H. Miller, W.M. Riesinger, and Vicki Hesli, eds, Public Opinion and Regime Change: New Politics of Post-Soviet Societies (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993).

44 Sidney Verba, Norman Nie, and Jae-on Kim, Participation and Political Equality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), p. 71.

45 See D. Chong, H. McClosky, and J. Zaller, ‘Social Learning and the Acquisition of Political Norms,’ in H. McClosky and J. Zaller, eds, The American Ethos (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1985); V.O. Key, Public Opinion and American Democracy (New York: Knopf, 1961); H. McClosky and A. Brill, Dimensions of Tolerance (New York: Basic, 1983); and James Mueller, War, Presidents and Public Opinion (New York: Wiley, 1973).

46 Barbara Geddes and John Zaller, ‘Sources of Popular Support for Authoritarian Regimes,’ American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 33, No. 2 (1990), p. 320.

47 Bahry and Silver, ‘Soviet Citizen Participation on the Eve of Democratization,’ p. 835.

48 Chen, ‘Subjective Motivations for Mass Political Participation in Urban China,’ Social Science Quarterly, Vol. 81, No. 2 (2000), p. 658.

49 Samuel Barnes, Barbara Farah and Felix Heunks, ‘Personal Dissatisfaction,’ in Samuel Barnes, et al. eds, Political Action: Mass Participation in Five Western Democracies (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 1979); and Bahry and Silver, ‘Soviet Citizen Participation on the Eve of Democratization.’

50 Jennings, ‘Political Participation in the Chinese Countryside’, pp. 361–72.

51 Chen, ‘Subjective Motivations for Mass Political Participation in Urban China,’ p. 658.

52 See Ada Finifter and Ellen Mickiewicz, ‘Redefining the political System of the USSR: Mass Support for Political Change,’ American Political Science Review, Vol. 86, No. 4 (1992), pp. 857–74; and Raymond M. Duch, ‘Tolerating Economic Reform: Popular Support for Transition to a Free Market in the former Soviet Union,’ American Political Science Review, Vol. 87, No. 3 (1993), pp. 590–608.

53 Deborah Davis, ‘Job Mobility in Post-Mao Cities: Increases in the Margins,’ The China Quarterly, No. 132, pp. 577–97; and Kenneth Lieberthal, Governing China: From Revolution through Reform (New York: W.W. Norton and Company, 1995).

54 Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 1989), pp. 380–84.

55 See Brian D. Silver, ‘Political Beliefs of the Soviet Citizen: Sources of Support to Regime Norms,’ in James R. Millar, ed., Politics, Work and Daily Life in the USSR: A Survey of Former Soviet Citizens (Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press, 1987); James L. Gibson, Raymond M. Duch and Kent L. Tedin, ‘Democratic Values and the Transformation of the Soviet Union,’ The Journal of Politics, Vol. 54, No. 2 (1992), pp. 329–71; and James R. Millar, ‘In Search of Regime Legitimacy,’ in Miller, Reisinger and Hesli, eds, Public Opinion and Regime Change: The New Politics of Post-Soviet Societies, pp. 95–123.

56 Silver, ‘Political Beliefs of the Soviet Citizen: Sources of Support to Regime Norms,’ p. 110.

57 Carol Hamrin, ‘Conclusion: New Trends under Deng Xiaoping and his Successors,’ in Merle Goldman and Carol Hamrin, eds, China's Intellectuals and the State: In Search of a New Relationship (Cambridge, MA: The Council of East Asian Studies, 1987), pp. 257–304.

58 Bahry and Silver, ‘Soviet Citizen Participation on the Eve of Democratization,’ pp. 831–2.

Chapter 7

1 Village leaders, village cadres, and village officials are used interchangeably in this chapter.

2 On the policy-implementing functions of Chinese village authorities, see Yang Zhong, Local Government and Politics in China: Challenges from Below (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 2003), pp. 158–82.

3 Author's Interview File 99061201.

4 Author's Interview File 97062301.

5 Chinese peasants are required to perform mandatory manual labor for the state of between 7 and 14 days each year. Their most frequently performed labor service is to clear up river beds and plant trees. Nowadays, peasants are allowed to pay money in lieu of service. The state authorities use the money to hire other people to carry out the work.

6 See, for example, Ernest S. Griffith, John Plamenatz, and J. Roland Pennock, ‘Cultural Prerequisites to a Successfully Functioning Democracy: A Symposium,’ American Political Science Review, Vol. 50 (1956), pp. 101–37; Samuel Stouffer, Communism, Conformity, and Civil Liberties (New York: Doubleday, 1955); Robert Dahl, Who Governs? (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1961); and Herbert McClosky, ‘Consensus and Ideology in American Politics,’ American Political Science Review, Vol. 58 (1964), pp. 361–82.

7 See John Sullivan, et al., ‘Why Politicians are more Tolerant: Selective Recruitment and Socialization among Political Elites in Britain, Israel, New Zealand, and the United States,’ British Journal of Political Science, Vol. 23, No. 1 (1993), pp. 51–76.

8 Robert Jackman, ‘Political Elites, Mass Publics, and Support for Democratic Principles,’ The Journal of Politics, Vol. 34, No. 3 (1972), pp. 753–73.

9 Herbert McClosky and Alida Brill, Dimensions of Tolerance (New York: Russell Sage, 1983), pp. 236–43.

10 Jie Chen, ‘Comparing Mass and Elite Subjective Orientations in Urban China,’ Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 63 (1999), pp. 193–219.