Chapter 3
Building Bridges Between Humanistic and Positive Psychology

BRENT DEAN ROBBINS

Author's Note. Portions of this chapter were previously published in “What Is the Good Life? Positive Psychology and the Renaissance of Humanistic Psychology,” by B. D. Robbins, 2008, in The Humanistic Psychologist, 36, pp. 96–112. These portions are being republished with permission from Taylor & Francis.

The relationship between positive psychology and humanistic psychology has been a strained one. Although positive psychology was at first warmly embraced by some humanistic psychologists as an extension of the aims of humanistic psychology (e.g., Resnick, Warmoth, & Serlin, 2001), this reception grew cold when Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi (2000) distanced positive psychology from humanistic psychology in a special issue of American Psychologist. Somewhat in passing and in a way that lacked supporting evidence, Seligman and Csikszentmihalhyi (2000) were harshly critical of humanistic psychology, saying that, although it offered a “generous vision” (p. 7), it lacked a cumulative research base, promoted self-help at the expense of scientific rigor, and reinforced narcissistic tendencies in individuals and the culture—all claims that were received as fallacious, straw man arguments by the humanistic camp (e.g., Bohart & Greening, 2001; Robbins, 2008; Shapiro, 2001). Since that time, many attempts at dialogue have sometimes worked toward integration (Froh, 2004; Linley & Joseph, 2004b; Linley, Joseph, Harrington, & Wood, 2006; Rathunde, 2001; Robbins, 2008; Robbins & Friedman, 2008, 2011; Schneider, 2011; Wong, 2011a, 2011b) but have been just as often marked by sharp criticism and debate (Bohart & Greening, 2001; Friedman & Robbins, 2012; Held, 2004; Rich, 2001; Shapiro, 2001; Sugarman, 2007; Sundararajan, 2005; Taylor, 2001; Woolfolk & Wasserman, 2005).

In what is perhaps one of the strangest responses from a positive psychologist, Waterman (2013) recently suggested that, because positive and humanistic psychology tend to cite different philosophers and therefore seem to have different philosophical presuppositions, they really have nothing to say to one another. This is a recommendation that, on its face, if it were taken up by psychology as a whole, would virtually end scholarly discussion and debate in almost every subdiscipline in the field. Needless to say, this seems to be a terrible idea. The fact is, all theories have hidden or implicit philosophical presuppositions, which really are the beginning and not the end of dialogue in the discipline (Slife & Williams, 1995). A better alternative is to seek genuine opportunities for integration and dialogue, without avoiding times when legitimate criticism is necessary, in order to move the entire field of psychology forward toward the best possible version of a psychology of human happiness, well-being, and human strengths. To make that step forward, it seems necessary to call out straw man arguments for what they are, and also to acknowledge the fact that positive psychology has deep roots in humanistic psychology.

The philosophies are not as irreconcilable as some, such as Waterman (2013), may claim. On the contrary, there are some internally incoherent positions of positive psychology as it is generally received that, when placed in dialogue with humanistic psychology, could prove to be a superior approach to the good life than either positive or humanistic psychology taken on their own.

Humanistic psychology certainly shares with positive psychology the key aims of identifying and investigating positive experiences, traits, and institutions (Robbins, 2008), which is how positive psychology was defined broadly from its very beginnings (Gillham & Seligman, 1999; Seligman & Czikszentmihalyi, 2000). Seligman, Steen, Park, and Peterson (2005) recognized the important role of Maslow (1971), Allport (1961), and other humanistic psychologists in the formation of what Seligman coined “positive psychology.” Key concepts of positive psychology such as “flow” have their roots in humanistic theory of optimal experience (Nakamura & Csikszentmihalyi, 2005). Indeed, the overlap between humanistic and positive psychology seems to be much more substantial than the differences (Linley & Joseph, 2004a). An examination of the research literature reveals the unmistakable fact that in almost every major construct studied by positive psychology, humanistic psychological theory and theorists are cited as foundational to the research (Linley & Joseph, 2004b; Peterson & Seligman, 2004; Robbins, 2008).

A humanistic positive psychology is not a contradiction in terms. On the contrary, the humanistic tradition of psychology promises to assist positive psychology in resolving what may be internal contradictions in its own philosophical presuppositions, namely the odd couple of neo-Aristotelian virtue theory and positivism. The retrieval of Aristotle's virtue theory within a humanistic perspective would benefit from philosophical insights that come with phenomenology, personalism, and existential thinking, which arguably, more than any other philosophical tradition, have sought to retrieve Aristotle and ancient Greek thought for a contemporary age. To appreciate this potential contribution of humanistic psychology, however, it is important to first situate humanistic psychology within its historical context and elucidate its core principles.

Brief History of Humanistic Psychology

Historians typically credit Abraham Maslow as the central figure who initiated the movement that would come to be designated as humanistic psychology (Decarvalho, 1990, 1991, 1994; Grogan, 2008; Robbins & McInerney, 2013; Shaffer, 1978). Due to a growing dissatisfaction with the two reigning approaches to psychology in the first half of the 20th century, behaviorism and psychoanalysis, Maslow was in search of a Third Force that could offer a viable alternative. His initiative began as a modest effort to maintain a mailing list of those who shared his dissatisfaction, and that list grew to about 125 names (Decarvalho, 1990). Maslow referred to this mailing list, in which papers were exchanged, as the “Eupsychian Network,” and this group would eventually become the subscription base for the Journal of Humanistic Psychology in 1961 (DeCarvalho, 1992). Allport and Rogers were two important influences on Maslow at this time. One of Maslow's primary concerns with psychoanalysis was its tendency to build psychological theory on the basis of case studies of people who were clearly dysfunctional. He strove to create a psychology that would be based not only on those who were dysfunctional, but also upon those who were fully living the extent of their human potential (Maslow, 1973). It was this effort to scientifically describe the optimal potential of the person that Maslow (1987) himself coined “positive psychology” four decades prior to Seligman's use of that term.

A key moment in the development of humanistic psychology was the formation of the American Association for Humanistic Psychology (AAHP) in 1962 (Schulz & Schulz, 2011) and shortly thereafter the Old Saybrook Conference, which was held in Connecticut and included key figures such as Gordon Allport, Carl Rogers, James Bugental, Abraham Maslow, Rollo May, Charlotte Bühler, George Kelly, Clark Moustakas, and Henry Murray, among others (DeCarvalho, 1990). On the tails of these developments came the formation of various graduate programs with humanistic orientations, such as at Sonoma State University and Duquesne University, and finally, the founding of Division 32 of the American Psychological Association, now known as the Society for Humanistic Psychology.

Through the early figures of humanistic psychology, it is possible to trace the most seminal theoretical roots of the movement. These strands include phenomenology, personalism, and existentialism (Robbins & McInerney, 2013). These were European philosophical movements that at the time were just beginning to have an impact in the United States.

Phenomenology

As early as 1965, Carl Rogers identified phenomenology as the essential core of the Third Force. The emphasis on phenomenology highlights the centrality of meaning as it is given to perceptual experience, which for humanistic psychology was foundational to its scientific endeavors. In contrast, behaviorism emphasized a third-person perspective of the individual, which was reduced to discrete, quantifiable behaviors. Psychoanalysis on the other hand saw experience as fundamentally distorted by defense mechanisms, and so access to the truth of one's inner reality required a skepticism toward one's perception in favor of hidden meanings that psychoanalysis promised to decode through a long, arduous process. Influential figures on the humanistic viewpoint, which privileged lived, conscious meanings that are experienced explicitly and implicitly, included Eugene Gendlin (1962), whose background in philosophy equipped him with the tools to establish an experiential theory rooted in a rigorous phenomenological and existential philosophical foundation, which drew upon the work of continental thinkers such as Edmund Husserl, Jean-Paul Sartre, and Maurice Merleau-Ponty (Spiegelberg, 1972).

Rollo May helped to bring existential psychology from Europe to the United Sates through his edited volume Existence (May, Angel, & Ellenberger, 1958). At Duquesne University, the psychology program explicitly developed a phenomenological psychology that was to be the epistemological orientation for the new and emerging humanistic movement. This movement could be traced back as far as Goethe's more qualitative and holistic alternative to science as compared to the mechanistic science of Isaac Newton (Robbins, 2006b).

It is worth noting that this Goethean science had its roots in an attempt to retrieve lost elements of the Aristotelian approach to science and metaphysics that were rejected and replaced by Newton's modern scientific worldview. The latter, Newtonian approach, in terms of ancient Greek influence, was more indebted to Plato and his skepticism toward appearances in favor of mathematical abstraction (Burtt, 2003). The more Newtonian-Cartesian science grounded in positivism is characteristic of much positive psychology, but this epistemology is not entirely consistent with Aristotle's philosophy, including his ethics, which has been appropriated by positive psychology due to its virtue theory. Positivism reduces all causes to efficient causes, and therefore locates meaning in antecedent events and their consequences. In contrast, Aristotle's metaphysics recognized a wider range of qualitative meanings, such as the formal and final cause of a person's actions, which are retained within humanistic psychology through its integration of phenomenology. To recognize the formal cause of a person's behavior is to see it in a more holistic fashion, as belonging to a gestalt that includes person, others, and world in relation to one another. To recognize final causation in the person is to see the human being as an agent who gives direction and purpose to his or her own life (Slife & Williams, 1995). As we will discuss further in this chapter, these concepts of formal and final causality are implied in any valid retrieval of Aristotle's ethics, including the virtue theory that is at the heart of his ethics. To adhere strictly to positivism as an epistemology risks undermining the project of developing a fully realized virtue theory that can be applied to the lives of everyday people. Humanistic psychology, as informed by phenomenology, however, does not have this problem, and can readily draw upon Aristotle's virtue theory without contradiction.

Personalism

Personalism made inroads into humanistic psychology through virtually the same channels as phenomenology and existentialism. It was primarily a European movement with indirect influences in the United States, and its impact on humanistic psychology was felt mainly through the figures of Gordon Allport and Viktor Frankl. Although it was less directly an influence on humanistic psychology, personalism nevertheless was a profound and important inspiration and also made an impact on humanistic psychology and American culture through the philosophical basis of the nonviolent social ethics that animated Martin Luther King Jr.'s civil rights activism (Robbins, 2013a; Robbins & McInerney, 2013).

A key idea of personalism is a nonreductive approach to the person that recognizes that each person is unique, nonfungible, and has profound worth that can never be fully quantified or constrained by oversimplified constructs or abstract generalities. Personalism, as the basis of a social ethics, was the subject of Allport's (1922) dissertation under William Stern, and this had a major impact on the development of Allport's theory of personality. It was out of respect for the uniqueness of the person that Allport emphasized the importance of idiographic methods in psychology in addition to nomothetic approaches. Also, while at Harvard, Allport had been involved in regular meetings with the theologians at Boston University who were drawing upon the same influences of personalism. It was in fact at Boston University that Martin Luther King, Jr., developed his own personalist approach, which informed his activism. King was influenced by Allport and in fact cited Allport's (1979) book The Nature of Prejudice, as did Malcolm X.

Viktor Frankl was also influenced by personalism through a different channel—the existential personalism of Max Scheler (1973) (Henckmann, 2005). Frankl's emphasis on the nonreductive approach to the person and his stress on finding meaning or dignity through suffering are key themes drawn from the personalist tradition associated with Scheler.

Existentialism

In the introduction to his edited collection of primary existential texts, Walter Kaufmann (1956) wrote, “Existentialism is not a philosophy but a label for several widely different revolts against traditional philosophy” (p. 11). Existentialism does reject or critique a number of philosophical standpoints including naïve realism, idealism, and positivism, as well as Rene Descartes' mind/body ontological dualism. William Barrett (1990) described existentialism as “a philosophy that confronts the human condition in its totality to ask what the basic conditions of human existence are” (p. 126). May, influenced by the existential theologian Paul Tillich, saw existentialism as “an attitude, an approach to human beings, rather than a special school or group” (May, 1962, p. 185). Historian of psychology Daniel Burston (2003) likewise pointed out that “there has never been a stable or binding consensus regarding the leadership or the terms of membership in the existential movement, nor precisely when it took root historically” (p. 311). Figures commonly associated with existentialism include Soren Kierkegaard, Friedrich Nietzsche, Martin Heidegger, Jean-Paul Sartre, Max Scheler, and Maurice Merleau-Ponty, to name just a few. Within existential psychology, as informed by these thinkers, one common thread is a recognition of the irreducible complexity of existence as well as the limitations of human life and knowledge due to our bodily nature and mortality.

In general, existential thought tends to be suspicious of philosophies that privilege cognitive abstraction over concrete existence and experience. This is somewhat ironic because existential psychology is sometimes criticized for being difficult to understand due to its neologisms and strained ways of speaking, but the sense of alienation when reading existentialism comes from a style of writing and speaking that attempts to shake the audience's taken-for-granted assumptions about everyday meanings as a basis for profound insight. Therefore, the abstract category of “existential philosophy” as a philosophical school of thought is itself a subject of incredulity by those who are often associated with this style of thinking.

Key Themes

Humanistic psychology's roots in phenomenology, personalism, and existentialism are the basis for central themes that organize the thinking, practice, and research of psychologists who identify as humanistic. The key themes of humanistic psychology include a strong phenomenological or experiential epistemology, an emphasis on the essential wholeness and integrity of human beings, the acknowledgment that humans possess essential freedom and autonomy within limits, a strong antireductionist stance, and a recognition of the dignity of human beings, including the person's transcendence and inability to be fully contained or understood by any simple, abstract formulation without losing something essential (Shaffer, 1978). In addition, humanistic psychologists tend to have a strong ethical foundation based in personalistic roots that recognize that human beings have fundamental rights that emerge from our shared humanity as beings who are vulnerable and suffer (Turner, 2006). A genuinely humanistic approach to positive psychology would adhere to these humanistic commitments, although within these limits it may take a wide variety of forms.

The close connection between a personalistic ethic and phenomenological epistemology implicates the way in which the humanistic perspective rejects the rigid fact–value dichotomy that is assumed by most scientific psychology (Robbins, 2013b). Scientific theories and approaches are always saturated by metaphysical, epistemological, and ethical presuppositions that are value-laden in their implications (Slife & Williams, 1995). Rather than denying that its worldview is value-laden, humanistic psychology strives to make its values explicit in order to subject them to critical reflection. This approach stands in contrast to positivism, which in assuming a fact–value dichotomy, often treats value-laden discourse with a false pretense of value neutrality.

The epistemological basis in phenomenology within the humanistic tradition of psychology can be understood to imply a deeper metaphysical or ontological commitment, which recognizes that human beings are different than things (Robbins, 2013b). Although it may seem obvious that human beings are quite different than rocks or a hammer, scientific research often implicitly treats these ontological realms as if they are equivalent. Within the positivism that informs behaviorism and much cognitive science today, human beings are treated as objects that are no different in kind than the objects of physics, and hence the science is unsurprisingly based on an epistemology based on Enlightenment-era physics. Within classical psychoanalysis and most neuroscience, physiological reductionism understands the meanings of lived experience to be reducible to dumb, mechanical forces that represent ultimate reality. Yet to start from this reductionistic position would, for example, make it nearly impossible to recognize the reality of a concept such as human dignity, which is fundamental to our fragile sense of human rights.

B.F. Skinner (1971) famously dismissed the concepts of human freedom and dignity as nonsense, yet humanistic psychology has never waivered in championing these core human values. To dispense with the concept of human dignity so casually is a dangerous affair, since many doctrines protecting human rights nationally and internationally are founded on the concept of dignity. For example, the United Nations' (1948) Declaration of Universal Human Rights states, “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights,” which is the basis upon which the U.N. declares that nation-states have a duty to protect the human rights of citizens of the global community.

The concept of human dignity was clarified by the philosopher Immanuel Kant (1785, cited in Williams, 2005), who contrasted dignity with price. When considering the realm of purpose, argued Kant, everything is either understood in terms of dignity or price. To understand something as having a price is to see it as an object that can be exchanged for something else of equal value, but if something, such as a person, has no equivalent and cannot be exchanged, we must refer instead to dignity. Thus human dignity is a way of making reference to the quality of persons as beyond price in the sense of being nonfungible and as possessing a kind of worth that cannot be estimated in quantitative terms. To have dignity is to be priceless, in other words.

A humanistic approach to positive psychology would recognize not only human potential but would also stress an appreciation of the intrinsic value and worth of persons, each of whom has dignity as a birthright. Because, after Kant, humanistic psychology recognizes the ontological dignity common to all human beings by reason of their nature or being, humanistic psychologists are committed to various ethical stances in the world. For example, humanistic psychology tends to be suspicious of all kinds of reductionism that attempt to reduce people to the properties of things. This is why humanistic psychologists get concerned and protest when a person's meaning and worth is reduced to a narrow and restricting label such as a mental health diagnosis. This is why humanistic psychology is drawn to holistic approaches to understanding the person, which appreciate that the person is always more than the sum of his or her cognitive, behavioral, and anatomical parts. This is why humanistic psychologists understand the person to not only be always situated within an interpersonal context, but also appreciate that the person should never be reduced to mere social meanings because no person is only a social construction. The person transcends reductionistic labels and simple categories by virtue of his or her dignity. To relate to the other person as a person of dignity is to engage with him or her in an I–thou encounter, as opposed to an I–it encounter, as Buber (1937/1958) described; it is to bear witness to the other as a person rather than a thing. This capacity seems to be essential for virtues such as compassion and love.

With the recognition of human rights as founded on the notion of dignity, and with the basis of this recognition grounded in the epistemological perspective of phenomenology and an appreciation of the ontological difference between persons and things, what follows from this worldview is an ethical imperative to protect basic human rights. It is important to remember that with the influence of existentialism there comes an equally important emphasis on humility with regard to the imposition of specific ethical principles, especially with caution regarding overgeneralization of moral principles without appreciation for the complexity and ambiguity inherent to messy, lived situations (Robbins, 2013b).

A positive psychology informed by humanistic psychology could benefit from the adoption of the philosophical framework that informs this psychological worldview.

From Hedonic to Eudaimonic Well-Being

In positive psychology, the shift from a hedonic view of well-being to a eudaimonic perspective is clearly a shift in a more humanistic direction and is explicitly inspired by the humanistic philosophy of Aristotle (Ryan & Deci, 2001). Whereas hedonic well-being is defined in terms of the ratio of pleasure to pain in one's life (Diener, 2000; Kahnemann, Diener, & Schwartz, 1999), eudaimonic well-being is understood to be a reflection of a person who is flourishing in terms of his or her character strengths and virtues, including, among other things: autonomy, mastery of the environment, personal growth, positive interpersonal relationships, purpose in life, and self-acceptance (Keyes, Shmotkin, & Ryff, 2002; Ryff, 1989). The concept of eudaimonic well-being derives from Aristotelian virtue theory. Aristotle (trans. 2004) and his followers conceptualized well-being as composed of an individual's virtuous traits, and only a happiness that flows from legitimate harmony of the virtues was thought to be a genuine happiness. All other forms of happiness were understood to be superficial and fleeting.

Because positive psychology was originally identified by many psychologists as a hedonic approach to psychology, it was subject to quite a bit of criticism for being too “Pollyanna” (Lazarus, 2003), for succumbing to our culture's “tyranny of the positive attitude” (Held, 2002), and for failing to appreciate the adaptive and constructive aspects of unpleasant states of mind (Held, 2002; Lazarus, 2003; Woolfolk, 2002). Research nevertheless has suggested quite strongly that hedonic well-being and eudaimonic well-being, when measured quantitatively, are independent even if moderately correlated constructs (Compton, Smith, Cornish, & Qualls, 1996; King & Napa, 1998; McGregor & Little, 1998). To be subjectively well does not necessarily mean one has cultivated those characteristics and qualities that enable a person to live an authentically good life. If one is living an authentically good life, however, one enhances the capacity for deep, enduring, and mature expressions of happiness and joy (Robbins, 2006a).

If we look to the empirical evidence, the findings suggest that the motivation to maximize pleasure and avoid pain is, at best, a very weak predictor of well-being, whereas being engaged and immersed in one's projects and finding meaning in one's life are relatively much better at predicting well-being (Peterson, Park, & Seligman, 2005; Vella-Brodrick, 2007). To be engaged, to find meaning in that engagement, and to find pleasure through the fulfillment of that meaning and engagement is to live a “full life” rather than an “empty” one, according to Peterson et al. (2005).

By coming to this insight that eudaimonic well-being is key to any understanding of the good life, positive psychologists have more explicitly shifted to a humanistic frame of reference. What the neo-Aristotelians call “Eudaimonic well-being,” Maslow (1978) and Rogers (1961) called “self-actualization” and “fully-functioning,” respectively. And as humanistic psychologists have been noting for years, authentic well-being or self-actualization is far from anything resembling manic bliss or undifferentiated positive attitudes; on the contrary, it implies an individual's capacity to feel deeply the entire emotional spectrum so as to live life fully, vibrantly, and meaningfully.

Epistemology and Methodology in Positive and Humanistic Psychology

Although humanistic psychology is grounded within a phenomenological epistemology, this does not preclude humanistic psychology from drawing upon quantitative as well as qualitative methods of investigation. As Friedman (2008) has demonstrated, humanistic psychology does have a tendency to value qualitative methods, and positive psychology seems to emphasize quantitative methods. But mixed methods are found in both humanistic and positive psychology.

From the very beginning of humanistic psychology, Allport, Maslow, and Rogers stressed not a rejection of science, but an expanded view of science that appreciated the value of both qualitative and idiographic methods as well as quantitative and nomothetic approaches (Friedman, 2008). Within the field of humanistic psychology can be found some of the earliest quantitative approaches to the study of happiness, represented by the work of Fordyce (1977, 1983), whose measure has been found to have superior validity to other measures (Compton et al., 1996). Experimental and quantitative methods have also informed humanistic approaches to transpersonal psychology, meditation, and humanistic psychotherapy (Friedman, 2008). What makes humanistic approaches distinct is the emphasis on holism and the rejection of positivism as a reductive philosophy of science, not quantitative methods per se. Descriptive, eidetic, and hermeneutic phenomenological methods are best viewed as complementary to, rather than a replacement for, traditional empirical psychological methods. What we would want to avoid, however, is rushing too quickly to accept simple formulations of well-being that may be seductive as abstract conceptions of happiness but turn out to be false and misleading, such as the critical positivity ratio (Brown, Sokal, & Friedman, 2013).

Virtue Theory

Positive psychology has received much criticism for its sometimes incoherent and muddled considerations of its philosophical assumptions regarding the ethical foundations of its activity. Philosopher Mike W. Martin (2007) has written an especially astute commentary on the virtue hypothesis in positive psychology. The virtue hypothesis predicts that happiness is derived from the cultivation of virtue. Martin's primary concern is that Seligman's positive psychology appears to lack consistency in the way it articulates the virtue hypothesis: Sometimes positive psychologists claim value neutrality, but at other times they seem to combine science with normative ethics. Positive psychology engages in the activity of normative ethics to the extent that it aspires to a eudaimonic concept of ethics, which identifies the state of happiness with the acquisition of virtue. By taking on a eudaimonic conception of ethics, positive psychology can no longer consider itself merely a descriptive and predictive science, but should also acknowledge that it is engaged in the activity of prescriptive valuation. Again, positivism provides a problematic framework for the full and coherent expression of positive psychology, due to its fact–value dichotomy.

Martin (2007) seems to believe it is possible to achieve scientific neutrality in positive psychology. This can be achieved, he argues, if positive psychologists restrict definitions of happiness to a hedonic definition—essentially, subjective well-being—and then seek to identify any relationships between hedonic happiness and various character strengths and virtues. By doing so, psychologists could test the virtue hypothesis and discover whether there is a causal relationship between virtue and happiness. However, if eudaimonic happiness is used to define happiness, any suggested causal link between happiness and virtue would be tautological, because in that case virtue could not be said to be an independent variable distinct from happiness. Nevertheless, although it is true that virtue and subjective well-being can be identified as independent and related constructs, as we have already discussed, well-being itself cannot be reduced to hedonic well-being, for the reasons I have already cited.

In contrast to Martin, most humanistic psychologists hold that a value-neutral position is not a realistic aspiration for a researcher or therapist (e.g., Kottler & Hazler, 2001). Even if the researcher defines well-being in terms of hedonic well-being, the endorsement of hedonic well-being as a goal worth pursuing and the decision as to whether hedonic well-being is essential to “the good life” cannot help but become a normative ethical stance. The point is not to exclude normative ethics as a background assumption of research endeavors, as if that were possible; on the contrary, the route to integrity is to make one's ethical assumptions and codes as explicit as possible, which can serve as a means to alert colleagues and consumers of psychological science that they may exercise their own critical faculties to discern whether those normative ethics are justified. The failure to explicate one's ethical assumptions, which is the case in professed “morally neutral” positions, serves only to conceal one's moral framework. And in the hands of influential professionals with status and power, this concealment can be tyrannical and even abusive in cases in which groups are marginalized or persecuted as a result. If this stance seems misguided, consider what happened to homosexuality under the lens of the early diagnostic manuals of the American Psychiatric Association.

As it has been articulated by Seligman (2002), eudaimonic happiness is thought to derive from the identification and cultivation of signature strengths and virtues. As noted by Schwartz and Sharpe (2005), Seligman treats the virtues as if they were “logically independent” (p. 380). But, as they argue, a genuinely Aristotelian perspective demands that the virtues be understood holistically as interdependent constituents of the good life. One cannot pick and choose virtues as if from a menu; the activation of the virtues in the everyday circumstance of living requires the guidance of practical wisdom, or phronesis, the “master virtue, without which the other virtues will exist like well-intentioned, but unruly children” (Schwartz & Sharpe, 2005, p. 385). This holistic approach to the good life, in which virtues are understood to be interdependent, is more true to the Aristotelian roots of positive psychology and is a hallmark of humanistic psychology. The emphasis on formal and final causality in Aristotle's physics demands that virtues be understood in a way that is contextual and as having normative aims. This can be accomplished by a more holistic and nonreductive approach to the virtues. A virtue such as resilience, for example, like wisdom or phronesis, could be understood as a master virtue that becomes realized as a virtue only through it's relation to other personal strengths and when deployed toward genuinely moral ends (Robbins & Friedman, 2011).

When Carl Rogers (1961) asked about what it means to be a good therapist, he was asking both an empirical and an ethical question. He was asking, in effect, what it means to be a virtuous therapist—essentially, raising the question of optimal functioning within the specified practice of psychotherapy. However, he went about answering this question in an inductive, open-ended, and empirical way, and by doing so, he long anticipated more contemporary insights that therapeutic interventions are less important than common factors, such as client–therapist rapport, across models of treatment (Frank & Frank, 1991; Miller, Duncan, & Hubble, 2005; Wampold, 2001). Rogers (1961) found that the virtuous therapist is one who cultivates a growth-promoting climate through the acquisition of three essential traits: congruency, unconditional positive regard for the client, and empathic understanding. Notice that these virtues are interdependent. For example, empathic understanding can be used by psychopaths as a means to manipulate and control other people, but when coupled with unconditional positive regard, empathy becomes a benevolent and powerful conduit for interpersonal healing. A congruent therapist may have the integrity and honesty to confront a client about his or her faults, but without unconditional positive regard and empathy, these confrontations are likely to be harsh and damaging rather than constructive avenues for therapeutic change. Although Rogers did not explicitly recognize his approach to therapy as grounded in a neo-Aristotelian conception of virtue, his work nevertheless provides a perfect example of its application.

In addition, humanistic psychology has also been acutely aware of the importance of idiographic approaches to empirical and ethical questions and has repeatedly warned against the dangers of an entirely nomothetic approach to human behavior and experience (Wertz, 2001). If we want to derive generalities about aggregates of people, if we wish to identify relations among variables for the sake of reducing error in predictions, and if we wish to develop the ability to make causal inferences, we must rely on nomothetic, quantitative procedures, without which we would be lost. For this reason, humanistic psychology should embrace quantitative psychological research methodology. However, within the context of Aristotelian ethics, the identification of essential, interdependent virtues and their interrelations is not enough; we also need the practical wisdom (phronesis) that will allow us to understand how to utilize those virtues in particular, concrete situations. Idiographic approaches, including case studies, biographies, discourse analysis of diaries, and other qualitative approaches to data analysis, are uniquely equipped to impart the practical wisdom necessary to exercise the virtues in a way that can account for the highly contextualized particularities of specific, concrete, human problems, such as those encountered daily by psychotherapists and other clinical practitioners.

When idiographic and qualitative methods of analysis are combined with nomothetic analysis, we have a winning combination. When taken in the abstract, and especially when accounting for all of the variation among cultures and individuals, any categorical description of the virtues runs a great risk of being so generic that it becomes anemic and bereft of practical use-value. Doing so, we are in danger of taking the wonderful richness and complexity of concrete human lives and reducing their meanings to overly simplified formulas (May, 1996), in effect confusing the map with the countryside (Merleau-Ponty, 1995). Yet, when we ground the science of psychology in a philosophy that gives ontological priority to the reality of concrete lives, and in their meanings and values within the contextual significance of those lives, we are able to preserve meaning and value from getting swallowed up in a reductive scientism (Robbins, 2006b). In order to carry out such a psychology, we must take great care to avoid the tendency to reduce multiplicity to uniformity (Bortoft, 1996, p. 147). For this reason, humanistic psychologists have articulated an approach to human phenomena that, through holistic seeing, is able to capture a multiplicity in unity rather than an impoverished unity—that is, an approach that has the capability to identify general, essential categories of understanding that nevertheless preserve the integrity of, and recognize their existential debt to, the concrete particularities that give rise to those categories.

Conclusion

Perhaps the greatest danger for positive psychology lies in its potential to misappropriate Aristotelian ethics within an epistemological framework that subtly and effectively undercuts the most fundamental presuppositions and requirements for a properly Aristotelian application of virtue theory for the human sciences. Humanistic psychology has much to offer positive psychologists if they are willing to more closely and seriously engage the expansive literature of humanistic psychologists in this area.

Summary Points

  • Mutual criticisms of positive psychology and humanistic psychology are typically based mainly on straw man arguments, and when examined closely, these approaches share more in common than many may be otherwise led to believe.
  • Although humanistic psychology is informed by a phenomenological epistemology and much of positive psychology operates within a positivist framework, this does not imply that differences in philosophical presuppositions should preclude meaningful dialogue between these two approaches to well-being and the good life. On the contrary, by adopting a humanistic approach to positive psychology, it may be possible for positive psychology to resolve what may be internally incoherent positions, such as the inherent discord between positivist epistemology and Aristotle's virtue theory. Phenomenology, in contrast, may be better able to appropriate Aristotle's ethical theory within a more contemporary philosophical context.
  • A humanistic approach to positive psychology would draw upon the theoretical roots of humanistic psychology, including phenomenology, personalism, and existentialism. One advantage of this approach would be not only an appreciation of human potentials, such as the virtues, but also a recognition of the intrinsic worth of human beings by virtue of their dignity—a concept that has become important for preserving philosophical and legal frameworks that establish and protect human rights.
  • A humanistic approach to positive psychology would tend to endorse a eudaimonic rather than a hedonistic approach to well-being. However, a humanistic approach, consistent with Aristotle's philosophy, would more heavily emphasize the holistic and integral nature of the virtues as guided by practical knowledge or wisdom.
  • Both qualitative and quantitative approaches to positive psychology, informed by humanistic psychology's phenomenological epistemology, have the potential to provide internally coherent and integral approaches to investigating virtue theory and eudaimonia as the basis for a humanistic positive psychology.
  • The humanistic approach to psychotherapy and clinical practice, as developed by Rogers, can be understood to be the cultivation of a virtuous therapist. In this case, however, the virtues are interdependent and work toward healing only in their combination. These virtues include unconditional positive regard, empathy, and congruency.

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