Chapter 33
The Power and Practice of Gratitude

GIACOMO BONO, MIKKI KRAKAUER AND JEFFREY J. FROH

Authors' Note. Preparation of this chapter was supported by a generous grant from the John Templeton Foundation.

A central tenet of research in positive psychology is that supportive social relationships are essential to human thriving. Gratitude is perfectly suited to this end. Gratitude is the feeling people experience when they receive a gift or benefit from another person. It can also be an attitude of appreciating life as a gift. People with a grateful disposition tend to experience it more frequently, more intensely, toward more people, and for more things in their life at any given moment (McCullough, Emmons, & Tsang, 2002). We begin this chapter with a brief review of basic research on gratitude, focusing first on adult populations and then on youth populations. We then turn to applied research pertaining to clinical purposes for adults and academic purposes for youth. Finally, we discuss how gratitude is related to the “good life” for adults and youth and close with suggestions for future research directions. It is our contention that gratitude is important for positively transforming individuals, families, and organizations.

A Brief History of Research on Gratitude

Social scientists have focused on gratitude since the 1930s (Baumgarten-Tramer, 1938; Bergler, 1945, 1950; Gouldner, 1960; Heider, 1958; Schwartz, 1967; Simmel, 1950). Though it has been considered fundamental to the maintenance of reciprocity obligations between people (Gouldner, 1960; Simmel, 1950) and evolutionarily adaptive for its promotion of altruistic behavior (Trivers, 1971), the bulk of empirical research occurred over the past dozen years because psychological research was long dominated by a focus on pathology rather than flourishing (Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2000). Two classic studies—showing that expressing and experiencing gratitude bring peace of mind, satisfying personal relationships, and well-being (Emmons & McCullough, 2003; McCullough et al., 2002)—catalyzed the field, and since then a wealth of research on gratitude and its applications has emerged.

Conceptualizations of Gratitude as a Moral Affect

Gratitude is considered a moral affect because it results from and stimulates behavior that is motivated by a concern for other people's well-being (McCullough, Kilpatrick, Emmons, & Larson, 2001). Unlike other moral emotions that operate when one falls short of important standards or obligations (i.e., guilt and shame) or when one is motivated to help another in need (i.e., sympathy and empathy), gratitude is distinctly operant when one is the recipient of prosocial behavior and serves to increase prosocial behavior between people.

McCullough et al. (2001) delineated three moral functions of gratitude in social life by examining the existing empirical research on gratitude and related concepts (i.e., thankfulness, appreciation). First, the emotion of gratitude serves as a moral barometer by indicating a change in one's social relationships; recipients regard benefactors as moral agents for having augmented their personal well-being and acknowledge the particular importance of relationships with them. Second, as a moral reinforcer, the expression of gratitude increases the chances that a benefactor will respond benevolently again in the future, just as the expression of ingratitude can anger benefactors and discourage them from acting benevolently again. Finally, gratitude serves as moral motive because its experience motivates recipients to then behave prosocially or inhibit destructive behavior toward a benefactor in return or toward others. However, the reciprocity motivation resulting from gratitude is distinct from those sparked by indebtedness and inequity in that it is a pleasant emotion linked to positive psychological states, much like contentment, pride, and hope. McCullough et al. (2001) found ample support in the literature for the first two functions, and subsequent experiments using behavioral measures of helping provided support for the moral motive function (Bartlett & DeSteno, 2006; Tsang, 2006).

Review of Social Scientific Research on Gratitude

The empirical research falls into three major categories: (1) how gratitude is measured and conceptualized; (2) what kind of people tend to be grateful; and (3) how gratitude has been and can be applied to society. A growing body of research also cuts across these categories by focusing on the measurement of gratitude in youth, its benefits to development, and factors and interventions that promote gratitude development. Researchers wanting to develop practical applications of gratitude to improve human health and well-being would benefit from considering these areas of research.

It seems reasonable to conclude from the available empirical evidence that gratitude can indeed be regarded as a moral emotion. We experience gratitude when we acknowledge the gratuitous role sources of social support play in producing beneficial outcomes in our lives. Expressing gratitude to people who have been kind to us validates their efforts and reinforces such behavior in the future. And gratitude motivates us to extend kindness in response to those who have been kind to us but to others as well. Therefore, people who experience and express gratitude more tend to strengthen their existing relationships and form new supportive relationships. That is, the more they tune in to how others have helped them along, the more they will do the same in return; and the more frequently such exchanges occur, the more suited relationship networks become to maximizing the mutual benefits for those involved.

Gratitude as an Affective Trait: Measures and Correlates

Researchers have derived four different facets of emotional experiences that distinguish people with a more grateful disposition from those with a less grateful disposition. Compared to less grateful individuals, highly grateful individuals feel gratitude more intensely for a positive event, more frequently or more easily throughout the day; they have a wider span of benefits or life circumstances for which they are grateful at any given time (e.g., for their families, their jobs, friends, their health); and they experience gratitude with greater density for any given benefit (i.e., toward a more people).

Research With Adults

In four studies, McCullough et al. (2002) broadly examined the correlates of the grateful disposition and developed the GQ-6 (a six-item, self-report measure of the grateful disposition). Highly grateful people, compared to their less grateful counterparts, tend to experience positive emotions more often, enjoy greater satisfaction with life and more hope, and experience less depression, anxiety, and envy. They tend to score higher in prosociality and be more empathic, forgiving, helpful, and supportive as well as less focused on materialistic pursuits, compared to their less grateful counterparts. They replicated these findings in a large nonstudent sample and showed that the associations persisted even after controlling for social desirability (Paulhus, 1998). Among the Big Five dimensions of personality (John, Donahue, & Kentle, 1991), the grateful disposition was correlated with Agreeableness, Extraversion/positive affectivity, and Neuroticism/negative affectivity. Moreover, similar associations were obtained using both self-report and peer-report methods.

Other researchers have come to similar conclusions (Watkins, Woodward, Stone, & Kolts, 2003). Watkins and colleagues devised the Gratitude Resentment and Appreciation Test (GRAT), a self-report measure conceptualizing dispositional gratitude as a combination of four aspects: appreciating benefactors, valuing the experience and expression of gratitude, sensing more abundance than deprivation in life, and appreciating common simple pleasures more than extravagant ones. Scores on the GRAT were positively related to satisfaction with life and negatively related to depression. Two reasons gratitude is linked to reduced depression are that it helps individuals experience more positive emotions and positively reframe negative or neutral situations (Lambert, Fincham, & Stillman, 2012).

Gratitude, whether measured as a mood or trait, is also linked to lower aggression in adults. Using various methods, DeWall, Lambert, Pond, Kashdan, and Fincham (2012) found that grateful participants exhibited lower aggression daily, and after feeling hurt or insulted, they exhibited less hurt feelings in daily interactions and less aggressive personality. These researchers also found that increased empathy mediated this link, suggesting that the prosocial quality of gratitude can be used to mitigate aggression. Helping to explain such findings, evidence shows that gratitude builds trust (Dunn & Schweitzer, 2005) and that expressing gratitude increases prosocial behavior by enabling people to feel socially valued (Grant & Gino, 2010).

Finally, research shows that gratitude promotes relationship formation and maintenance. One study, examining gratitude naturally in the context of college sororities' gift-giving week (Algoe, Haidt, & Gable, 2008), found that gratitude was predicted by new members perceiving older members to be more responsive to their needs during the week and that this predicted their gratitude at the end of the week and consequently greater relationship quality between members 1 month later. Other research corroborates this relationship-building function, linking gratitude to more liking and inclusiveness (Bartlett, Condon, Cruz, Baumann, & DeSteno, 2012). Evidence also shows that gratitude boosts relationship maintenance behaviors like sensitivity and concern (Lambert & Fincham, 2011), strengthens romantic relationships by promoting commitment (Joel, Gordon, Impett, MacDonald, & Keltner, 2013) and feelings of connection and satisfaction with relationships (Algoe, Gable, & Maisel, 2010), and makes for more satisfying marital relationships (C. L. Gordon, Arnette, & Smith, 2011). Thus, gratitude appears to help individuals find, remind, and bind to attentive relationship partners (Algoe, 2012).

Research With Youth

In recent years, evidence shows that many similar psychological, physical, and relational benefits found with adults occur with youth, whether examined cross-sectionally (Froh, Emmons, Card, Bono, & Wilson, 2011) or longitudinally (Froh, Bono, & Emmons, 2010). Much of this work has focused on the effects of gratitude on youth's adjustment, social relationships, and psychological well-being, with implications for positive youth development and potential for helping to turn young people into healthy, successful adults.

In order to determine which adult measure was most appropriate in measuring gratitude in children and adults, Froh, Fan, et al. (2011) assessed the psychometric properties of the GQ-6, the Gratitude Adjective Checklist (GAC; McCullough et al., 2002), and the GRAT–short form (Thomas & Watkins, 2003) using a sample of 1,405 youth ages 10 to 19 years. Results showed that all three gratitude scales correlated positively. The GRAT–short form showed low correlations with the other two scales among younger youth (ages 10 to 13 years), suggesting that the GRAT–short form measures something different in comparison to the GAC and the GQ-6 among younger youth. The GQ-6 was found to perform better with youth only when using the first five questions (not the sixth).

In a recent longitudinal study by Bono, Froh, and Emmons (2012) 436 adolescents (11- to 14-year-olds) completed self-report questionnaires just before entering high school and then again 4 years later. Gratitude at Time 1 significantly predicted greater positive emotions, life satisfaction, and happiness and lower negative emotions and depression at Time 2. Even stronger effects were observed when examining the change in gratitude from Year 1 to Year 4. Increases in gratitude during high school predicted greater increases in positive emotions, life satisfaction, and happiness at the end of high school. Furthermore, increases in gratitude predicted less antisocial and delinquency behavior toward the end of high school (Bono et al., 2012). That is, teens who developed more gratitude during high school reported better behavior at school (e.g., not cheating on tests) and lower levels of negative behaviors toward peers (e.g., teasing, upsetting, and gossiping) when finishing high school, compared to teens who developed less gratitude during high school.

Another longitudinal study observed adolescents' level of social integration—their motivation to give back to the neighborhood and society (Froh et al., 2010). Results showed that grateful adolescents were more likely than less grateful adolescents to report increases in social integration 6 months later, and this was partially because of increases in life satisfaction and engagement in prosocial behaviors at 3 months. Gratitude and social integration also were found to mutually increase each other. Together, these findings suggest that gratitude supports well-being and prosocial development.

Interventions to Promote Gratitude

In addition to cross-sectional and longitudinal studies, intervention studies also provide evidence that gratitude has a variety of benefits for adults and youth. This research has also uncovered different strategies that are effective for promoting gratitude.

Interventions to Increase Gratitude in Adults

Emmons and McCullough (2003) conducted a seminal study of gratitude's effects on psychological and physical well-being using a Counting Blessings intervention. In one experiment, college students were randomly assigned to complete one of three journaling conditions weekly for 10 weeks: counting blessings, listing hassles, or describing neutral events. Participants in the gratitude condition exercised more regularly, reported fewer physical symptoms, felt better about life and more connected to others, and were more optimistic about the upcoming week than those in the hassles or control conditions. To test if the benefits resulted from gratitude rather than just feeling better off than others, a second experiment included a downward social comparisons condition (i.e., ways they had it better than others) rather than a neutral events condition and had students journal about this, blessings, or hassles daily for 2 weeks. Participants in the gratitude condition reported more positive affect, compared to the hassles condition, and reported offering others more emotional support or help with a personal problem, compared to those in the other two conditions.

Finally, in a third experiment Emmons and McCullough (2003) examined if a gratitude intervention would help adults with neuromuscular diseases. Participants assigned to describe blessings (vs. mundane experiences) daily for 3 weeks reported more positive affect and satisfaction with life than those in the control condition—effects observed through spouses' reports, too. Moreover, they reported less negative affect, feeling more connected to others, and sleeping longer and better. This study supported the notion that gratitude can improve physical and psychological well-being for a variety of populations.

The benefits of gratitude were further confirmed in a study that compared the efficacy of five different interventions hypothesized to lastingly increase happiness and decrease depression using a random-assignment placebo-controlled design (Seligman, Steen, Park, & Peterson, 2005). Participants in the Three Good Things intervention were instructed to write down three good things that had happened to them and attribute causes to these events daily for one week. Although this intervention showed no immediate benefits, individuals experienced lasting effects with an increase in happiness and decrease in depressive symptoms 6 months later. Another intervention, the Gratitude Visit, had individuals write a letter to someone they were grateful for and then deliver their letter in person. Individuals who completed this activity reported large gains in happiness and reductions in depression 1 month later. Though effects were short-lived, the magnitude of change was greatest for this intervention out of the five tested, presumably because of the hyperemotional nature of expressing meaningful thanks.

Recent gratitude interventions harness the power of thanking by incorporating a behavioral component. For instance, one experiment instructed participants to journal grateful experiences and share them with a partner biweekly for 4 weeks (control participants kept a journal of grateful experience without sharing or kept a journal of class learnings and shared them with a partner; Lambert et al., 2013). Those who shared their positive experiences had increased positive affect, happiness, and life satisfaction by the end of the intervention, compared to either of the control participants. Lambert and Fincham (2011) found that expressing gratitude in close relationships produced higher comfort voicing concerns and more positive perceptions of partners.

Interventions to Increase Gratitude in Children and Adolescents

A pioneering intervention study attempted to see if the Counting Blessings intervention done with adults (Emmons & McCullough, 2003) could influence well-being in adolescents ages 11 to 12 (Froh, Sefick, & Emmons, 2008). Eleven classrooms (N = 221) were randomly assigned to one of three conditions: gratitude, hassles, or no-treatment control. Each day for 2 weeks, students in the gratitude condition were instructed to list up to five things they were grateful for in their lives. Classrooms in the hassles condition listed annoyances. Results indicated that counting blessings was related to higher life satisfaction, more optimism, fewer physical complaints, and less negative affect. Students in the gratitude group reported more school satisfaction at both the immediate posttest and at the 3-week follow-up, compared to both control groups.

Another intervention study using a similar intervention method found a link between gratitude and prosociality in adolescents (Chaplin, Rindfleisch, John, & Froh, 2013). Sixty-one adolescents (ages 11 to 17) in a summer program were randomly assigned to journal about blessings (intervention) or mundane activities (control) for 2 weeks. Everyone received 10 $1 bills for participating and had the option of keeping it for themselves or donating some or all of it to charity anonymously. Results showed that adolescents in the gratitude condition donated 60% more compared to those in the control condition ($6.81 vs. $2.43). Further, they were also more grateful and less materialistic at posttest compared to those in the control condition.

A recent study showed that the social cognitive appraisals underlying grateful thinking can be trained in children ages 8 to 11 (Froh et al., 2014). Using a quasi-experimental design, classrooms were randomly assigned to a benefit appraisal curriculum or a control condition. The benefit appraisal condition trained students to appreciate the personal value of kind actions or gifts, the altruistic intention of the benefactor, and the cost to the benefactor in terms of time or effort. The control condition had students focus on mundane daily events. All sessions included class discussions, writing assignments, and role-playing activities. Five curriculum sessions were delivered to six classrooms daily for 1 week in one study and to four classrooms weekly for 5 weeks in a second study. In both studies, students who received benefit appraisal training reported stronger benefit appraisals and more grateful emotion than students in the control condition. In the daily study, these students reported immediate increases in grateful thinking and mood and also wrote 80% more thank-you cards to their Parent Teacher Association compared to control students. In the weekly study, they reported more grateful thinking and grateful mood, as well as more positive affect 5 months after the intervention.

This grateful thinking curriculum is advantageous because it is easier to use with younger participants (i.e., in elementary or middle school), for whom it might not be feasible or possible to keep a gratitude journal. Another advantage is that it can be easily infused in existing reading/writing programs or used to personalize and enhance lessons focused on cooperation, helping, or giving.

Obstacles to Promoting Gratitude: Intervention Moderators

Any discussion of the benefits of gratitude would be incomplete without a consideration of factors that render gratitude difficult. Moderators must be examined to design effective gratitude interventions because some individuals may be more responsive than others. Different people experience different amounts of gratitude depending on the size of the gift they are accustomed to receiving and the amount of effort benefactors invest (Wood, Brown, & Maltby, 2011). Thus, cultural and attitudinal factors likely moderate gratitude's effects on well-being. Indeed, a cross-cultural study found gratitude interventions focusing on family and others to be more effective in collectivist samples, whereas those focusing on oneself were more effective with individualistic samples (Boehm, Lyubomirsky, & Sheldon, 2011). Thus, researchers can personalize interventions with a focus on the types of benefits recipients most value (e.g., focusing on benefits that affirm, increase, or maintain harmony in relationships for interdependent selves and focusing on benefits that affirm, increase, or maintain personal autonomy and achievement for independent selves).

Research is needed to better understand how the experience, expression, and consequences of gratitude differ across cultures. People may be grateful for different reasons or because of distinct determinants; ways of expressing gratitude to others may differ; and gratitude may differentially impact mental, physical, or relational outcomes across cultures. Understanding universal versus distinctive patterns in these areas would advance basic knowledge about gratitude in society.

Scholars suggest that a number of attitudes are incompatible with gratitude, including perceptions of victimhood (Seligman, 2002), inability to admit to one's shortcomings (Solomon, 2002), envy and resentment (Etchegoyen & Nemas, 2003), and an overemphasis on materialistic values (Kasser, 2002). Interventions to cultivate gratitude cannot ignore these obstacles to gratitude, for it may be necessary to confront these on their own terms prior to initiating a gratitude focus. We may learn that individuals with such characteristics benefit more strongly from gratitude interventions.

Some of these obstacles are likely to be deeply ingrained in personality. A major personality variable that is likely to thwart gratitude is narcissism (Watkins et al., 2003). People with narcissistic tendencies erroneously believe they are deserving of special rights and privileges without assuming reciprocal responsibilities. The sense of entitlement combined with insensitivity to the needs of others engenders interpersonal exploitation. They might be reluctant to express gratitude in response to benefactors whose generosity or kindness they summarily dismiss as little more than attempts to curry favor. Farwell and Wohlwend-Lloyd (1998) found that in the context of a laboratory-based interdependence game, narcissism was inversely related to the extent to which participants experienced liking and gratitude for their partners. In short, if one feels entitled to everything, then one is thankful for nothing.

Another possible moderator of gratitude on well-being is personal responsibility. Chow and Lowery (2010) found that individuals do not experience gratitude without the belief that they are responsible for their success, even when they acknowledge that they received help. Such knowledge can be useful in improving gratitude interventions, particularly those targeting younger populations. Indeed, longitudinal evidence shows that youth who developed lots of gratitude from ages 11–14 to ages 15–18 reported more self-respect, self-control, goals/plans for the future, and self-regulation, compared to youth who developed little gratitude during this period (Froh & Bono, 2014).

Research has examined moderators for gratitude interventions among youth. In one study, children and adolescents (ages 8 to 19) were randomly assigned to either a gratitude visit condition (writing a thank-you letter to a benefactor and then reading it to the individual in person) or a control condition (describing daily events). Students in the gratitude condition who were also low in positive affect reported more gratitude and positive affect at post-treatment and more positive affect at the 2-month follow-up than youths in the control condition (Froh, Kashdan, Ozimkowski, & Miller, 2009). Therefore, youth lower in positive affect seem to benefit more from gratitude interventions.

Creative Applications for Gratitude Interventions

Thus far, the research studies that we have reviewed were designed to examine the effects of gratitude on well-being. It is also possible to examine changes in gratitude as a result of interventions designed for other purposes, such as to promote mindfulness (Shapiro, Schwartz, & Santerre, 2002), relaxation (Khasky & Smith, 1999), or forgiveness (Witvliet, Ludwig, & Bauer, 2002). Gratitude appears to be facilitated by meditation practice referred to as intentional systematic mindfulness (Shapiro et al., 2002). In another research program, progressive muscle relaxation has been shown to produce a number of positive emotional benefits, including among them increased feelings of love and thankfulness (Khasky & Smith, 1999). Lastly, Witvliet et al. (2002) found that a forgiveness intervention, such as imagining oneself being forgiven by someone, resulted in increased feelings of gratitude. These studies demonstrate that a number of innovative psychological interventions have the capacity to engender states of gratitude and its attendant benefits, though they were not designed explicitly for this purpose.

One particular type of psychotherapy originating in Japan, known as Naikan therapy, is based in Buddhist philosophy and mobilizes techniques of isolation and meditation to expand clients' awareness of their moral relationships with significant others in their lives. Currently, there are about 40 Naikan centers in Japan, as well as centers in Austria, Germany, and the United States (Krech, 2002). The overall aim of Naikan therapy is to have clients achieve interpersonal balance by realizing a deep sense of connection with the significant others in their lives and to experience a strong sense of gratitude toward people who have provided them with benefits (Hedstrom, 1994; Reynolds, 1983). It is notable that this form of therapy, based so strongly in gratitude, has been used to treat many disorders too—including anorexia nervosa (Morishita, 2000), alcoholism (Suwaki, 1985), neuroses, and personality disorders (Sakuta, Shiratsuchi, Kimura, & Abe, 1997)—and it has been applied to the rehabilitation of prisoners and counseling in school and business settings (Krech, 2002).

Use of Gratitude in Clinical Therapy

Researchers have suggested ways that gratitude interventions can be used in therapeutic settings and reasons why this would be beneficial (Bono & McCullough, 2006; Duckworth, Steen, & Seligman, 2005; Seligman, Rashid, & Parks, 2006). More studies are needed, though, comparing gratitude inductions against true neutral control conditions rather than conditions focused on hassles (Wood, Froh, & Geraghty, 2010). This will allow researchers to more accurately assess intervention effects. Wood et al. (2010) also recommend that experiments use clinical samples to examine if gratitude interventions could treat mental disorders better than other existing therapies.

Psychologists are increasingly considering the use of gratitude strategies to treat clients experiencing depression, substance abuse, or bereavement (Young & Hutchinson, 2012). Other studies have found that gratitude listing was as effective as daily automatic thought records for treating people with severe body image dissatisfaction (Geraghty, Wood, & Hyland, 2010a) or people with generalized anxiety (Geraghty, Wood, & Hyland, 2010b), compared to a waitlist control. Importantly, these researchers found that patients were 2 times more likely to remain in the gratitude treatment than in the automatic thought record treatment. Such findings corroborate earlier research showing that being more thankful in the practice of religion can protect people from both internalizing (e.g., depression and anxiety) and externalizing (e.g., substance abuse) disorders (Kendler et al., 2003).

Sergeant and Mongrain (2011) examined the use of gratitude exercises with two depressive personality types: self-critical individuals and needy individuals. Individuals were randomly assigned to one of three conditions: gratitude listing, listening to uplifting music, or writing about childhood memories (control). Participants completed these interventions daily for 1 week and follow-up assessment was conducted 1, 3, and 6 months later. Interestingly, the gratitude music exercises only benefited the self-critical individuals; they reported increases in self-esteem and decreases in physical symptoms. Needy individuals reported decreases in happiness and increases in physical symptomology as a result of the gratitude and music exercises. These findings suggest that the use of gratitude exercises in treatment with clinical populations can be detrimental to certain personality types (Sergeant & Mongrain, 2011).

Using Gratitude to Improve Coping and Resiliency

Gratitude can be therapeutically useful for populations without mental disorders but who may be experiencing stress, such as coping with lifelong disease or traumatic events. For example, Algoe and Stanton (2011) found that the experience and expression of gratitude may help patients with metastatic breast cancer find improved quality of life by tapping into sources of social support. Another study found that gratitude was a powerful emotion for coping with the tragic events of September 11, 2001 (Fredrickson, Tugade, Waugh, & Larkin, 2003). Such findings are consistent with the view that positive emotions broaden the scope of individuals' thoughts and generate upward spirals of improved coping and functioning (Fredrickson, 2001).

McAdams and Bauer's (2004) analyses of redemption sequences revealed that even painful experiences could become something for which people are ultimately grateful. Therefore, gratitude will likely play a valuable role in improving peoples' lives as such therapeutic applications are developed.

There is evidence that gratitude may play a significant role in coping and resiliency among youth, too. A study of newspaper accounts about what children were thankful for before and after the September 11 event found that their thankfulness for basic human needs, such as family, friends, and teachers, increased (A. K. Gordon, Musher-Eizenman, Holub, & Dalrymple, 2004). This suggests gratitude helps buffer children from adverse events as it does with adults.

Beyond solidifying social resources, gratitude may lend humans strength for other reasons. Researchers have identified sustained patterns of physiological coherence that operate during feelings of appreciation, suggesting mechanisms for such positive psychosocial outcomes. By physiological coherence they refer to the degree of order, stability, and efficiency generated by the body's oscillatory systems—such as heart rhythms, respiratory rhythms, blood pressure oscillations, low frequency brain rhythms, craniosacral rhythms, electrical skin potentials, and rhythms in the digestive system (McCraty, Atkinson, Tomasino, & Bradley, 2009). The more people experience sincere feelings of appreciation, the more this coherence emerges, reinforcing coherent patterns in the neural architecture as a familiar reference for the brain. Given such findings, McCraty and Childre (2004) developed techniques for focusing attention to the area around the heart (the subjective site of positive emotions) and simultaneously engaging in intentional self-inductions of positive emotional states, such as appreciation. Such techniques may be useful tools for interventions seeking to increase gratitude in individuals; that these interventions employ techniques similar to other mind–body interventions may make them particularly useful for fostering gratitude as an attitude or mind-set.

How Is Gratitude Related to the Good Life?

When considering how gratitude is related to the good life, it is useful to bear in mind the various populations that have been shown to benefit from gratitude.

Benefits to Adults

We have already seen that people suffering from tragic events, deadly diseases, or serious mental illness appear to cope better as a result of gratitude. Similarly, we saw that gratitude helps individuals form and strengthen social, romantic, and marital relationships. Research has also shown that expressions of gratitude can reinforce kidney donation (Bernstein & Simmons, 1974) and volunteering behavior toward people with HIV/AIDS (Bennett, Ross, & Sunderland, 1996), and field experiments have shown that mere thank-you notes can bring increased tips from customers (Rind & Bordia, 1995), higher response rates on mail surveys (Maheux, Legault, & Lambert, 1989), and more visits from case managers in a residential treatment program (Clark, Northrop, & Barkshire, 1988).

Gratitude interventions have been effective with undergraduate students, adults with neuromuscular diseases, and clinical patients. Use of Naikan psychotherapy techniques suggest that gratitude mind-sets may help students and employees to resolve interpersonal conflicts, prisoners to rehabilitate, and people to recover from various disorders. Finally, appreciation interventions have also shown that people (of various ages and religious affiliations) in organizational, educational, and health-care settings may likewise benefit from experiences of gratitude as well (Childre & Cryer, 2000). Informally, church organizations and self-help groups for years have relied on gratitude exercises to help empower individuals.

Why Gratitude May Be a Critical Ingredient in Positive Youth Development

Positive youth development (PYD) theory emphasizes the importance of fostering young people's potential for growth by providing them with opportunities and supportive environments that help build up their strengths (Benson, Scales, Hamilton, & Semsa, 2006). The theory suggests that five strengths are essential for optimal youth development: competence (or a positive view of one's skills), confidence (or overall self-worth), connection (or positive bonds with people, groups, or communities), character (or respect for societal/cultural rules and sense of integrity and morality), and caring and compassion (having sympathy and empathy for others; Lerner et al., 2005). PYD theory stresses the importance of youth contributing to their own strengths and development, and, in turn, giving back to the people, groups, institutions, or communities that nurture them (Benson et al., 2006).

Whether bolstered through intervention or measured naturally, the evidence provided earlier suggests that gratitude plays a strong role in PYD. It promotes the strength of caring and compassion for all parties involved in beneficial social exchanges. It supports the strengths of connection and character by virtue of the three moral functions (motive, barometer, and reinforcer). Finally, because gratitude counters hedonic penchants associated with materialism and promotes intrinsic motivation and self-improvement, it should therefore also support the strength of competence. Recent longitudinal evidence supports the idea that gratitude development is strongly associated with PYD. Adolescents who entered high school with a moderate amount of gratitude and exhibited steady gains during high school also reported experiencing more empathy, self-awareness, self-efficacy, self-regulation, and goals for the future, and a stronger sense of identification with their community and a motivation to improve society by the end of high school (Bono, Froh, Emmons, & Card, 2013).

Guidelines for the Empirical Study of Gratitude and Gratitude Interventions

To evaluate gratitude interventions and their effectiveness, researchers should adhere to several guidelines. Most importantly, if researchers wish to foster well-being by increasing people's gratitude, it is important to make sure that the intervention is actually successful in fostering gratitude. The degree of gratitude that participants experience can be measured in terms intensity, frequency, span, and density (McCullough et al., 2002). Including the GQ-6 (McCullough et al., 2002) or the GRAT (Watkins et al., 2003) in the battery of dependent variables will assist to this end. Gratitude as a component of daily emotional and mood experience can also help evaluate intervention effects in everyday life (see McCullough, Tsang, & Emmons, 2004).

Second, intervention methods matter. Diary techniques have proved useful for inducing individuals to focus on and experience gratitude (Emmons & McCullough, 2003). Having participants write about positive events and people in their lives, or even writing letters to people to whom they feel grateful, may also be useful to this end (Watkins et al., 2003). Behavioral expressions of thanks are especially potent in changing people's subjective well-being. Finally, to achieve sustainable intervention effects, researchers should ensure that methods meaningfully engage participants by having them know about, endorse, and commit to the intervention (Lyubomirsky, Dickerhoof, Boehm, & Sheldon, 2011).

Third, researchers are advised to measure dependent variables that reflect the different ways gratitude might influence participants and their relationships with others (McCullough et al., 2002). To assess individual outcomes, researchers should measure dependent variables corresponding to the different ways gratitude has been shown to benefit children, adolescents, and adults in terms of well-being (i.e., positive and negative affect, anxiety, depression, satisfaction with life, hope, etc.), prosociality (i.e., how much others help them and they help others), and their health and development. Research has just started to uncover how individuals benefit from increased gratitude. Perhaps different relationships benefit in different ways or degrees? Researchers may further assess the effects of gratitude on health and well-being by examining how gratitude buffers targets from various life stressors and bestows improved coping and decision making. The use of daily diary methods may be the best way to assess such individual, relational, and health outcomes.

Future Directions for Research on Gratitude and Gratitude Interventions

An important setting for adult gratitude applications is the workplace. Emmons (2003) proposed several ways gratitude can benefit organizations. Most directly, as a cognitive strategy, gratitude can improve individual well-being and lower toxic emotions in the workplace, such as resentment and envy. Moods are important determiners of efficiency, productivity, success, and employee loyalty. Evidence demonstrates that employee happiness and well-being are positively linked to performance, commitment, and morale, and negatively linked to absenteeism, burnout, and turnover (e.g., Wright & Staw, 1999). As society increasingly relies on teamwork and the harnessing of individuals' diverse strengths to achieve group and organizational goals, gratitude is an easy way to buffer individuals from stress and facilitate the mutual achievements of individuals, groups, and organizations (Emmons, 2003).

Although gratitude has been linked to positive youth development and well-being, applications in the school setting are lacking. Researchers should further investigate this population and gratitude's potential benefits for schools and other educational settings. Why wait until adulthood to begin to reap the benefits of grateful living? Gratitude leads to many positive outcomes of central importance in youth development (e.g., well-being, prosocial relationships, improved motivation, satisfaction with school, and a focus on priorities and planning for the future). Therefore, applying gratitude in schools promises to advance student learning and engagement with school. Gratitude can easily complement social emotional learning programs and may enhance bullying and character education programs, helping to improve school climate in general. Promoting gratitude early in development will undoubtedly produce many benefits for individuals and society.

Conclusion

Gratitude shows surprisingly few downsides. That people typically consider gratitude a virtue and not simply a pleasure also points to the fact that it does not always come naturally or easily. Gratitude must, and can, be cultivated. And by cultivating this virtue, people not only get to experience its pleasure but all of its other attendant benefits, too, for free. As this chapter demonstrates, gratitude can produce many advantages for society.

Through gratitude individuals find coherence in life. They learn to elevate others and make a difference in the world. Like the moral memory of humankind (Simmel, 1950), gratitude reflects the story of the best that individuals and societies could be. We hope this chapter helps readers appreciate how gratitude can be used to improve ourselves and to inch us toward a better world.

Summary Points

  • Gratitude serves as three moral functions: a moral barometer, a moral reinforcer, and a moral motive. Individuals with grateful personalities feel gratitude more intensely, more frequently, more densely (toward more people), and for a wider span of benefits.
  • To test for effectiveness of interventions, researchers should consider if gratitude is increased in terms of intensity, frequency, density, and span.
  • To be effective, intervention methods (i.e., diary of gratitude, behavioral expressions of thanks) should meaningfully engage participants by having them know about, endorse, and commit to the intervention.
  • Researchers should measure dependent variables corresponding to the different ways gratitude has been shown to benefit children, adolescents, and adults in terms of well-being, prosociality, and their health and development.
  • Cultural and attitudinal factors (e.g., materialism, resentment) likely moderate gratitude's effects on well-being. Research is needed to better understand how the experience, expression, and consequences of gratitude differ across cultures.
  • Researchers can personalize interventions with a focus on the types of benefits recipients most value (e.g., focusing on benefits that affirm, increase, or maintain harmony in relationships for interdependent selves).
  • Personality characteristics such as narcissism, low personal responsibility, and low positive affect (in youth populations) may prevent gratitude. Such knowledge can be useful in improving gratitude interventions in the future.
  • A number of innovative psychological interventions have the capacity to engender states of gratitude and its attendant benefits, though they were not designed explicitly for this purpose (e.g., meditation practice).
  • Gratitude interventions can be used in therapeutic settings. It is recommended that experiments use clinical samples to examine if gratitude interventions could treat mental disorders better than other existing therapies. Gratitude can also benefit populations who do not have mental disorders but suffer from severe stress/adversity, disease, or trauma.
  • Important settings for future applications with adults include the workplace because gratitude can facilitate the mutual achievements of individuals, groups, and organizations. Similarly, researchers should investigate if gratitude applications with children have such effects on schools and other educational settings.

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