31
Last Words: Naming, Framing, and Challenging the Field

GEOFFREY SOCKETT AND DENYZE TOFFOLI

Introduction

As this volume brings to the fore, the language learner at the beginning of the twenty‐first century is quite different from the one at the end of the twentieth century, particularly in view of the technologies that one can use to access learning resources and the uses one makes of them. The main learning context of the 1980s and 1990s was the second language (L2) classroom or immersion in a foreign country. Classroom learning tended to involve groups with similar backgrounds in learning (depending on the grade level), shared resources (a teacher, a textbook, and the audiovisual resources that accompanied them, sometimes an audio‐active‐comparative language laboratory), and a set pace of progression through a program. For learners particularly committed to their learning, supplemental activities outside the classroom, for example listening to music in the foreign language or finding a pen pal to write to once or twice a month, or even accessing foreign television with closed captions (cf. Vanderplank) could be found. The arrival of the internet and a host of new technologies at the end of the 1990s and into the twenty‐first century completely changed the situation and opened the door to learning practices often (but not always) based on the same individual desires, motivations, and attractions as in the past, but providing entirely new resources for accessing different affordances.

Language teachers today are well aware of this evolution in the practices of the students they accompany, but don't always have the means to access details about these practices. Research has begun to enquire into what exactly these practices are. How do they change with the age of the students, the language being learned, and current trends or technical innovations? Are there measurable effects on the development1 of the language itself and, if so, on which aspects: perception, comprehension (of words, concepts), production, grammaticality, pronunciation, and, perhaps, others? One key underlying question for us is: “How does language development take place under the varying degrees of attention found in formal, nonformal, and informal contexts?” Depending on the answers found, a major issue for researchers interested in teaching is: “How can a learner's out‐of‐class language activities influence twenty‐first century language didactics?” and for the teachers: “What does this mean for my lessons?” This volume has attempted to answer different aspects of these questions, and indubitably opens up others. One of the most important novelties explored in these pages is that, from a second language acquisition (SLA) perspective, it would appear that many people engaging in these activities may not even realize that their L2 system is developing. Many of them are also not attending formal English classes. It is therefore possible to consider informal language learning as a stand‐alone phenomenon, and as an issue in modern language teaching.

This chapter examines the new dimensions of informal learning that emerge from the preceding chapters, many of which interact with each other, illustrating the very complexity which is so characteristic of informal learning. From a complex dynamic systems perspective, it is useful to look at a phenomenon as a whole and to identify interrelated subsystems within it. Each subsystem presented here (such as physical location, specific learner profiles, activities or subactivities and skills or subskills, range of technologies, device‐specific activities, etc.) will be described in terms of potential for future research and as an interacting aspect of the complex terrain of informal language learning. It is, of course, the interaction between these activities which provides insight into the personal learning environment of the informal learner, and the research related to multimodality, motivation, and cognition are of particular interest in making this link. Finally, diachronic perspectives are key to understanding informal language learning as a complex dynamic system, both from a macroscopic perspective (for example, Chapter 30 by Godwin Jones) and from a microscopic perspective as individual learners' personal learning environments evolve with time.

Looking forward, we explore the prospect of developing a holistic approach to language learning, which does not see things in a black‐and‐white, in‐and‐out (of the classroom) perspective, but as a continuum or integrated approach. Without falling into caricatures of formal or informal education, how can teachers and researchers integrate knowledge about informal learning into what they do, without trying to “informalize” the classroom or formalize what is happening outside? We will be exploring how these themes may indicate some of the main research orientations for this field in the near future.

Naming the field

As with any emerging field, the issue of terminology is often an indication of the differing theoretical frameworks and boundaries envisaged by the authors involved. Naming being fundamentally related to legitimation, finding consensual terminology would also help to establish the legitimacy of this emerging field. Five terms which have been used recently to describe the object of research in this book are: informal digital learning of English (Lee and Dressman 2018), extramural English (Sundqvist and Sylvén 2016), fully autonomous self‐instructed learning (Cole and Vanderplank 2016), self‐regulated out‐of‐class language learning with technology (Lai and Gu 2011), and the online informal learning of English (Sockett 2013, 2014; Toffoli and Sockett 2010, 2013).

These attempts at naming the field, as well as the keywords used in several of the contributions to this handbook are helpful as a guide to thinking about the issues in informal language learning going forward. Three key notions brought to light by these names are context, applications, and theoretical framework.

The choice of the term informal in the title of Handbook is perhaps an indication of a growing consensus around a term which is by no means transparent. The most fundamental drawback with the term “informal” to describe the types of learning illustrated in this book is the possible confusion with the informal register of language or restricting its use to learning in informal contexts. It is possible to falsely conclude that any contents reflecting life in the home and among friends are examples of informal learning, whereas TV series, films or YouTube videos may well be used in a formal context as learning materials prescribed by a teacher and evaluated as part of a formal curriculum. It is therefore important to regularly revisit the distinction between formal (school‐related), nonformal (use of specifically designed language learning materials when there is no school context) and informal (using materials not designed for language learning without a school context), although learners themselves seem to relate most easily to the contextual element (in or out of school). Many of the authors of chapters in this Handbook have contributed keywords which help us to focus on this distinction. Iglesias and Zheng remind us that learning takes place in informal contexts or settings, while Ewert and Godwin‐Jones refer to implicit and incidental learning, reminding us that learning also takes place while the learner is attending to other activities.

Zourou's contribution to this Handbook is a reminder that all of these out‐of‐class activities are part of the wider picture of what Benson and Reinders called learning “beyond the language classroom” or “out of classroom language learning” ([OCLL]; 2011). Benson's (2011) four‐category classification for qualifying OCLL (location, formality, pedagogy, and locus of control) may well be pertinent for many forms of what has been written about here, yet in many ways it is self‐referential and the categories remain unclear. If location provides no particular difficulty, the ideas of formality, pedagogy, and locus of control all seem to involve some overlapping concepts, principally “who is deciding what.” For Benson, the simple use of the term “learning” implies intentionality and therefore much of what researchers like Cole, Christianson and Deshaies, Dressman, Godwin‐Jones, Kusyk, and ourselves are interested in remains outside this classification, as we shall see further on.

In referring to “extramural English,” Sundqvist and Sylvén (2016) identify informal learning with location and as a set of opportunities to promote and facilitate classroom learning. Researchers approaching informal language learning from a teaching of English to speakers of other languages (TESOL) perspective could do well to adopt this approach. Few learners of geography go home each evening and study glaciation around their home, but a majority of learners of English do spend time outside the classroom engaged in English language activities. Hence the term extramural, as in “out‐of‐class(room),” invites the researcher to consider the links between activities carried out on both sides of the school wall and to develop approaches to make classroom learning more relevant. Hubbard and Odo's contributions to this Handbook, amongst others, offer an explicit focus on such issues and provide real direction for teachers asking “What does this mean for my lessons?”

A fundamental element of context in the other terms presented above is the issue of technology and online or digital learning. In some parts of the world, the shift from analogue to digital access to media may have been seen to have had little impact on language development, particularly in countries where English‐language television and films were already available to the general public and English language novels or magazines easy to come by. So it is that currently many researchers include activities such as reading English language books in the study of informal language learning. The widespread use of digital reading devices such as the Amazon Kindle further blurs the distinction between digital and analogue leisure activities since the same novel may be read in either paper or digital form.

Our own preference for limiting research to digital activities stems from the context of our initial research in France, where media contents in English were not widely available before the digital revolution. This distinction would also appear relevant to other large areas of the globe, in many areas of Africa, Asia, and South America. At the same time a major difficulty of this research and an argument against specifically focusing on digital resources is the, impossibility of isolating the various factors of influence on language development and separating digital informal learning from students' other activities: meeting people, going to “language cafés” and pubs, or just reading the English words that are flourishing in analogue media, billboards, and so on around the world.

Turning to the issue of links between formal and informal, these may be seen as either fundamental to the field or as secondary considerations. The use of the term self‐instructed by Cole (2015), Cole and Vanderplank (2016) is another indication that informal learning is considered by some as a pedagogically focused phenomenon. Arvanitis's reference to “self‐paced” learning, like Cole's “self‐instructed” learning, picking up on terms used by Little (2015, 2016), Little et al. (2017), Little and Thorne (2017), Holec (1979), Holec and Huttunen (1997), Dickinson (1987) and others, allows researchers to view informal learning as a type of learner autonomy, while Ewert's comments on “extensive reading” are a reminder that much of this research can be analyzed from the point of view of Krashen and Terrell's (1983) work on (comprehensible) input or Ellis's (2002, 2008, 2012, 2015) work on frequency effects and implicit learning.

Finally, from a theoretical point of view, names chosen to describe this field reflect ongoing work on the theoretical framework of informal learning. The term learning is taken in the broadest possible sense here, and indeed many of the contributors prefer terms such as “acquisition” (Christianson and Deshaies) “engagement” (Cole) and “development” (Chik) to draw informal learning research into discussions about the psycholinguistic mechanisms at work in such activities, particularly as they relate to attention, motivation, and nonlinear systemic change. As such, it can be useful to refer to the distinctions drawn by Schugurensky (2000) and developed by Bennett (2012), where informal learning is further defined as a matrix, appearing along the two fundamental axes of awareness and intentionality. Four types of informal learning can thus be distinguished, as pictured in Figure 31.1. Self‐directed learning is both intentional and aware; incidental learning is unintentional but the learner is aware that it is occurring; tacit learning is neither intentional, nor is one aware that it is occurring; and what Bennett calls “integrative” learning is intentional, but one is not necessarily aware of it. The latter has been considered problematic in education literature, as examples are difficult to imagine. However, in applied linguistics the term itself points us in what may be a fruitful direction, that initiated by Gardner and Lambert's (1972) integrative motivation. Here, we can understand integrative learning of a language as something we may intend, particularly when in an immersion, perhaps migration, situation, but which we may not be particularly aware of, at least concerning the specifics of the process and of attentionality (noticing) as proposed by Ellis (2006, 2007) and others. A major advantage of using the term “informal learning” rather than other terms defining such learning in contradistinction to classroom learning is that it implicitly ties into the wealth of existing research in the field of education (Brougère and Bézille 2007; Cross 2007; Knowles 1950; McGivney 1999; Sefton‐Green 2004). We would do well to pay attention to all of the parameters that define informal learning, from the informal contexts in which it may occur, to the types of materials that can be chosen (for example, distinguishing the online language apps that we have described elsewhere as “nonformal” from authentic foreign language activities), to the mental processes at work which make such learning qualitatively different from classroom and other more formal learning.

Matrix of four types of informal learning displaying boxes labeled Self-directed learning, Incidental learning, Integrative learning, and Socialization and Tacit learning.

Figure 31.1 Four types of informal learning.

Framing informal learning

Complex dynamic systems theory (CDST)

In our own research and that of the doctoral students we have worked with, complex dynamic systems theory (CDST) has proven a coherent and useful framework for understanding many aspects of informal language learning. As Godwin‐Jones (2018) points out,

…complex systems can be especially useful in exploring informal language learning in digital environments. Complexity theory helps illuminate the dynamic processes at play; it can untangle sets of nested systems, …, with language and learners themselves being complex systems within a dynamic framework of L2 development.

(p. 8)

Three key notions are suggested in this argument. Firstly, it is more important to understand the dynamics of informal learning than to observe a set of practices at a particular moment in time. Secondly, the relationship between different dynamic systems and subsystems, such as the learner and the language (one might add the language community) are keys to understanding informal learning, rather than focusing on a single phenomenon such as number of hours of viewing. Thirdly, data in informal learning studies comes from tangled sets of nested systems and is therefore inherently messy and requires careful analysis. Examples of this complexity, or interrelatedness, include the hyperdiversity evident in learner practices (individuals may develop language from examples in a unique combination of different source documents) and the multimodality of visual, written, and oral contents.

Studying change over long time periods is at the heart of a complexity‐theory approach to informal learning. Such an approach is of particular relevance to online informal learning, since by definition, online informal learning of English (OILE) is impromptu, unscheduled, and unofficial (Toffoli and Sockett 2010). This means that whereas research into formal learning may legitimately study the impact of a given course on a given group of learners over a given time, research into OILE practices offers no well‐defined start and end times, no unity of curriculum, and no predetermined organizing circumstances. System‐level change in complexity theory is usually slow, highly nonlinear, and as dependent on the interactions between elements in the system as it is on the elements themselves. Indeed, studies of change over a few weeks out of many years of informal learning are unlikely to yield significant insights. While our understanding of fractals tells us that micro phenomena may resemble macro phenomena, much is still to be learned about how to study language development over a period of years in informal contexts.

Understanding the interactions within and between complex systems is helpful in seeking to apply a CDST model to informal learning. Complex systems approaches focus not on the fact that systems are complicated but on their interrelatedness, much as a sports complex is an interconnected set of facilities. A first step is to identify the different systems and subsystems. Much of our previous work has focused on the learner's acquisition of the language as a system. Clearly this focus involves seeing how learner activities (including interaction with other language users) change with time, how language use changes with time, and how language knowledge changes in this context. For example, Sockett's (2012) study of online interaction shows that the relationship between platform use and language use is complex. In this case the learner began by using an online forum as a source of information about a favorite musician. As the learner's frequency of consultation of the forum increased, she took the step of posting on the forum. This led the forum moderators to create a new thread on the forum focusing on the learner's particular skills (in this case French language skills). Finally, the learner's relationships with other forum members were so well developed that she began contacting them mostly via other media (such as online chat) in order to have private conversations. In this example we see that use of a particular platform leads to phase transitions in which the learner is changed by the platform, the platform is changed by the learner, and platform use itself may end for reasons unrelated to a decline in the learner's interest for the subject.

Other examples of interactions include the relationship between language proficiency and subtitle choice. Learners may choose different subtitling options based on the type of film they are watching (no subtitles for action films) at a microscopic level, or go through macroscopic changes such as gradually ceasing to use subtitles as the amount of processing required to both read and listen becomes a distraction from the meaningful contents of the film. This means that although overall comprehension is increasing, exposure to the written language may be decreasing. Vanderplank's (2016) work suggests that the use of subtitles is both much more complex and more varied than previously anticipated.

Another property of CDST that can be seen at work in informal learning is that of phase shifts. Bennett (2012), for example, sees learners as experiencing shifts through the different types of informal learning she has identified, stating that such “knowledge shifting would move tacit knowledge up the ladder of consciousness through reflective processes but in an altered state” (Bennett 2012, p. 29). In informal language learning, Toffoli and Perrot (2017) identified phase shifts in learner self‐report data that indicated learners' self‐awareness of qualitative jumps both in language proficiency and in learning strategy use.

These applications of CDST in informal learning research support its use as a metatheory for researchers seeking a coherent but flexible framework capable of embracing the diversity of our field. CDST is a powerful resource for informal language learning, because it enables the interactions between different theories to be conceptualized as an interrelated network of ever‐changing notions and processes.

Self‐determination theory (SDT) as a complementary frame

Self‐determination theory (SDT) is another metatheory which we have found particularly useful in attempting to make sense of the complex and varied psychological phenomena at work in informal language learning, as in learning in general. Conceptually, SDT, like CDST, allows the integration of other theories, including the various theoretical stances in applied linguistics literature on autonomy and competence, two of the three pillars of SDT. The third, relatedness or attachment, has been examined by Toffoli (2016) in a case study examining a young adult's informal learning of German. If considered from the stance of interacting systems, these three pillars can also be integrated into a systemic perspective, not of informal language learning, but of the informal language learner. This is the approach taken by Toffoli (2018) to profile the contemporary language learner in a French university, building a composite profile from majority responses to a vast array of questionnaire data taken over a five‐year period.

As we have mentioned, autonomy has been of interest to applied linguists for many years and while the literature in the field was for a long time devoted to developing learner autonomy in the classroom or in settings devised by the designers or instructors of formal learning – for example Holec (1995), Little et al. (2017), Dam (2013), and Benson (2001, 2006) – Benson and Reinders (2011) and others have more recently suggested that autonomy is perhaps best understood today in the informal contexts that have been discussed in this volume. From an SDT perspective, autonomy is essential, not only to informal learning, but to all learning (Ryan and Deci 2017) and increased autonomy leads to increased motivation. As people dare more to take the lead in determining the contents, media, and communities where they encounter their L2, they feed their own motivation. These are, of course, shortcuts in the autonomy literature and much data has been collected to indicate that some learners require extensive accompaniment beforehand in order to become autonomous learners (Candas 2011; Little 2015). We shall return to this idea later in this chapter.

The competence factor has also been extensively researched in SLA literature in general and initial research looking at the trajectories of fully autonomous learners tend to show moves through different types of activities as skills increase. Even Cole's fully autonomous language learners studied basic English in primary and secondary school (Cole 2015, p. 97) before moving on to their fully independent self‐instructed mode. Our own studies (Toffoli and Sockett 2015) and those by or with Kusyk (2017), Kusyk and Sockett (2012), have indicated significant changes in how informal L2 use evolves with the passage from B1 to B2 levels. Moreover, such use tends to vary widely by age.

Younger students are more involved in online practices on their smartphones than are their older peers and while (much) older generations are adopting and adapting to Facebook and Twitter, the younger generations are communicating through Instagram and Snapchat or WhatsApp and Viber, creating entirely new codes of communication. Even in terms of receptive skills, young adolescents' practices differ from those of slightly older users: they tend to watch shorter‐length videos (or films) from more highly diversified sources, even though they all tend to be channeled through a limited number of social networking services. As a result of massive migration, such informal language practices are also tending to be more pluricultural, with even very young users (10 years old and up) maintaining heritage languages through SMS, telephone, social‐network, and video contact with loved ones “back home” or “in the old country.” Such use enables them to remain abreast of the latest linguistic evolutions in these languages (for example text abbreviations; cf. Geyer 2018) at the same time as integrative motivations (social conformity and relatedness) see them taking up new practices in their language of adoption.

These reflections, insofar as they focus on the social needs of youngsters, bring us back to the third important psychological need defined by Ryan and Deci (2017): relatedness or attachment. In developmental psychology, attachment is seen as the link to first a primary caregiver and later other significant adults, a necessary precondition for autonomy (Rholes and Simpson 2006) and the basis for healthy psychological development throughout life. In SDT, relatedness is the lifelong need to feel connected to others, to feel socially accepted and important. This need for attachment and its fulfillment are primary ingredients of motivation and are at work along with and through our need for autonomy. In fact, the support of someone important to us or social approval can be powerful factors in developing autonomous behavior, as we can see in the examples of the expatriated youngsters cited in the previous paragraph. Jérôme Eneau (2005) speaks of the “role played by others in educating the self” in his philosophical and andragogical analysis of self‐directed and independent learning. He examines various types of reciprocity that foster learning in the workplace. In much the same way, we can see the importance of relatedness for informal learning, especially where language and communication are concerned.

Toffoli (2016) discerns three types of relationships at play in operationalizing the concept with regard to informal language learning. The first are those of early childhood with primary caretakers which generate basic attachment styles and therefore strongly influence the potential for autonomy (both general autonomy and learner autonomy – that which enables us to adopt appropriate independent learning strategies). The second type of relationship is with people who influence the learner's feelings about the foreign language: these are people with whom we are connected and who represent, embody or otherwise influence what that language is to the individual. In the case of the heritage languages discussed earlier in this section, it could be the relatives or friends who speak the language. The third type is the relationship with the L2 itself, how it is perceived as a “friendly” or “fun” or on the other hand “hard” or “ugly” language. In the case of English today, this perception has been qualified by learners we are in touch with as “cool,” “popular,” “fun,” and “necessary.” All three of these types of relationship are simultaneously at work influencing learners' motivation for learning and for the L2 itself and while attachment is situated (and not a characteristic of the individual), secure attachments regarding these three types of relationships seem indicative of learners' ability and willingness to engage with various types of informal language learning.

Through these few examples, we hope to have indicated the power and pertinence of SDT for informal language learning, focusing on autonomy, relatedness, and competence as the constituent ingredients of self‐determination which contributes not only to intrinsic motivation and motivational volition, but also to human well‐being and development in general (Deci et al. 1991).

The interdisciplinary attraction of informal language learning

One of the major insights offered by this Handbook is the strongly interdisciplinary nature of informal language learning. It has been and may be studied from a number of different perspectives. Three such perspectives, which we will take a moment to reflect on here, are education, SLA, and TESOL. The strength of interdisciplinary study around an object such as informal learning, is that experts from each field can dialogue and share insights which give complementary views of language, of the learner and of learning resources.

Education‐focused informal language learning

The notion of informality in the field of education goes back a long way and seminal works like Knowles's Informal Adult Education (1950) date back 70 years. McGivney (1999) indicates no fewer than 20 different criteria to distinguish formal and informal learning: whether it is linked to education or not, part of a course or not, context, location, the intentionality of the learner or of the teacher, the relationship between learner and teacher, planning, assessment, timing, its implicit or explicit nature, whether it involves an individual or a group, the status of the learning, the nature of the knowledge, pedagogical approach, mediation, goals, relation to power, and control of the learning process (Cristol and Muller 2013, p. 22). Depending on the theoretical reference, the notion of informal learning serves very different purposes, evoking the way learning is undertaken, the stakes of the situations, the place of the learner or virtually any other andragogical investigation (Cristol and Muller 2013, p. 27).

Studying informal language learning within the broader context of the informal learning of other skills is helpful on a number of levels. From a CDST perspective, it encourages the study of interactions with extralinguistic factors such as the degree of cognitive difficulty of the skill being learned in an L2. It also offers opportunities to explore the incidental nature of language acquisition by learners attending to other stimuli. Since much education‐focused research concentrates on the workplace (Cross 2007; Malcolm et al. 2003), there are also opportunities to study the differing registers of language learned from workmates.

SLA‐focused informal language learning

The issues surrounding SLA‐focused informal language learning relate essentially to the extent to which naturalistic learning which is so prevalent in first language acquisition may allow for L2 learning. Issues of the age at which informal learning begins are relevant here and relate to research into critical‐period hypothesis. There is growing evidence that informal learning among youngsters or young extramural language learning (YELL – Jensen 2017) is now developing beyond countries such as Holland and Scandinavian countries where it was historically facilitated by English language television. Such a democratization of access to English at a young age may indeed do something to level the playing field of English language skills in Europe and indeed globally. Recent French data has seen an increase of 7% in listening comprehension and of over 8% in reading on a national test of English for 15‐year‐olds at the end of middle school between 2010 and 2016 (Beuzon and Dalibard 2017). Our own hypothesis is that this has everything to do with the kinds of activities these youngsters are engaging in informally and very little to do with schooling itself.

SLA‐focused informal language learning is also involved in determining the extent to which specific attentional factors are necessary for this type of learning to take place. Our own work has posed questions about the type of attention necessary for language development to occur, specifically whether, in the absence of focus on form, focus on meaning (narratives in fiction, for example) allows patterns to be internalized in interaction with other sources of input such as reading and listening to music with L2 lyrics. For such acquisition to be possible, conditions such as high frequency need to be fulfilled, and work on individual differences between learners is indispensable in accounting for differences between highly successful informal learners and others. Much work is still to be done in these areas and considerable methodological challenges remain since, in its purest form, such SLA work would be unconnected with classroom contexts.

TESOL‐focused informal language learning

When viewed as a subset of TESOL, informal language learning focuses most closely on learner activities and how they may relate to classroom activities. The advantages of studying informal language learning from a TESOL perspective are numerous. Learners of English can be found all over the world in language classrooms, allowing easy access for researchers who may also be English teachers. The growing realization that speakers of many languages routinely access English‐language media in their spare time means that English teaching is perhaps now the key discipline taught in schools, since it corresponds to a daily, real‐world activity for most learners. Developing pedagogical innovations which facilitate links between formal and informal learning is therefore an increasingly important focus of research in this field and may take many forms, some of which will be discussed here. Issues of redistribution of class‐time are also particularly relevant to TESOL‐focused informal language learning research. Since informal activities mostly involve listening and rarely involve speaking, it is reasonable to explore whether it is relevant to teach listening comprehension in today's English classroom and whether course design should instead allow more time for speaking or writing activities. This perspective necessitates an exploration of the extent to which previously informal activities can be harnessed in a blended learning or flipped classroom approach, in which specific listening activities might, for example, be prescribed (before a given class) and even assessed as part of a pedagogical task.

When studying informal learning, it is relatively easy to fall into caricatures of formal education as necessarily pedantic and boring for students. It is not and needn't be. Many fantastic teachers worldwide are stimulating students with creative and motivational approaches to languages, often calling on extramural experiences and digital or mobile technologies. Teachers integrate knowledge about informal learning into what they do in many ways, for example making use of popular culture resources to provide engaging activities in the classroom, or encouraging students to share how they are learning English outside of class. The broad aim of an integrated (formal‐informal‐nonformal) approach to language learning would be to focus on the fledgling language user and his/her communicative needs. Having spent many decades having the same conversations in France (“Why can't the French be more like the Dutch? The Dutch all speak great English, they learn it from TV you know. What's wrong with teachers in France?”), our own research currently involves a number of aspects which may be helpful in allowing classroom activities to at least interact with the linguistic realities of the private lives of young people today. For the purposes of this chapter, we will examine and expand on Dressman's (2017) three models of integrating informal language learning into teaching – through supplementation, project‐based teaching (PBT), and building on informal learning (BOIL) – as one means of developing an integrated approach to language learning in the future.

Supplementation, which involves bringing nonformal and technology‐based authentic material into the classroom for teacher‐orchestrated use, has long been a staple of the communicative classroom. Through supplementation, teachers today introduce new language apps to their students, expose them to authentic and attractive content such as professional fiction (for learners who may in future use English in professional contexts), or encourage classroom use of online linguistic resources such as dictionaries and thesauruses, automatic translators, or text‐to‐voice software.

Our own exploration of the field has covered the relationship between learning tasks as described by R. Ellis (2003), for example, and informal learning, suggesting that since informal activities resemble tasks, action‐based learning would be particularly well received by informal learners in formal settings. The twenty‐first century learner is engaged in problem‐solving activities in the target language in informal settings. This may include anything from winning a video game to booking a holiday. It is therefore natural to assume that classroom approaches organized around cognitively meaningful tasks (generally problem‐solving) would suit such fledgling target language users. This leads us to Dressman's (2017) example of PBT, where students get involved with real‐world resources in the accomplishment of a project: pairing up with learners elsewhere to create a video or written document, creating vlogs or websites for visitors to their learning center, or dissecting a popular series or film to access the underlying professional content. This has been a recent aspect of our own work where an online English course for Economics students has been designed based on scenes from the television series Suits. Such series situated in professional settings go out of their way to reference real‐world knowledge and skills, in this case relating to business and law. Even though some of these scenes last only a few seconds, they provide an ideal starting point to get learners involved in tasks using other resources which allow them to explore these areas in more detail. While it is unlikely that courses on “understanding Suits episodes for better professional communication” will quickly replace grammar and translation courses in most universities, there is considerable scope to develop such approaches in the coming years.

Finally, BOIL is very much a process of first recognizing the value of private informal learning activities in a public context, without threatening the privacy of the learner. This involves recognizing the linguistic value of resources available in informal contexts and then encouraging discussion of informal and nonformal resources among learners. In its simplest form, students should be encouraged to discuss their informal activities and consider their impact on classroom learning, in a supportive environment. This may take place in a technologically mediated format such as a forum, blog, or online chat. Some learners may consider that because the themes of their leisure activities are trivial, the impact of these activities is likely to be considered insignificant by teachers. The chapters of this book help us to understand that this is not and should not be the case. Ultimately, BOIL involves relinquishing power in the classroom and putting students in charge of the curriculum, where they become the ones who decide what to do with this information, how to build on it, and how to harness it for language learning. In France, some contemporary learning resource centers have thus looked to informal learning as a means of reinventing how they function (see Toffoli 2018; Toffoli and Perrot 2017).

Challenges for future research

Since the contributions to this book have demonstrated that informal language learning is a vibrant field, the main challenges are methodological in nature. We have stated that this field is mostly about studying change over relatively long time periods. Such activities are not always conducive to research careers in which the next publication needs to appear in a few weeks or months. Research comparing similar cohorts at intervals of a number of years such as the Beuzon and Dalibard (2017) study mentioned in the section “SLA‐Focused informal language learning” may be useful in this endeavor, as well as the necessary longitudinal study of individuals via diary studies, etc.

Real informal learners may not be people who sit in language classrooms, so getting data on people who are not in the system, because they are too young, too old, or just involved in other endeavors, must be an objective. SLA‐focused informal language learning has the difficult task of determining whether and how acquisition is taking place amongst learners who may have no formal contact with learning English at all. The challenge here is not so much to see whether frequent informal language learning practitioners have a better level than infrequent ones, since a high level may be a cause as well as a consequence of frequent informal language learning practices. Studies such as Sockett and Kusyk (2013) go some way to suggesting methodologies which may be helpful in isolating vocabulary specific to the informal learning context and in comparing informal language learning productions (what non‐natives write in fan fiction for example) to target productions (such as the actual scripts of TV shows).

One of the tasks awaiting SLA‐focused informal language learning is the operationalization of a range of theoretical positions around construction grammar (Goldberg 1995; Langacker 1986) which provide support to one of the premises of informal language learning: that learning is possible without conscious attention to form. Indeed, such cognitive views of language development focus on the key role of preponderant examples (“to give” as a ditransitive, etc.) of structures rather than the processing of grammatical rules. Research focusing on the characteristics of language productions of informal learners should yield many insights into the extent to which uptake from informal exposure supports such a view of language. More broadly, real informal learners have layers of contextual, cognitive, social/political specificities and these different layers should continue to be explored both individually and as a whole as an emerging theoretical framework for informal language learning becomes more consensual. Such a shared, coherent conceptual and epistemological frame would indicate the maturation of the field and allow researchers to get on with the business of building together from a common base.

Future research shopping list

Within these broad challenges, informal language learning offers a wealth of specific research opportunities in the years ahead. One of the main questions that remains to be answered is what is being learnt through the informal language learning practices of today beyond the existing studies of chunk uptake? Several studies have looked at vocabulary uptake and Cole (2015) has pinpointed a few grammatical constructions that would appear to originate in informal language practices. An article by Yibokou et al. (2019) points to some ways informal listening may be influencing pronunciation. Studies investigating why informal language learning is sometimes not effective in delivering language development are an inevitable aspect of future research. As researchers focus more closely on the profiles of successful informal learners, more will be learned about the psychological and social profiles of those who may be exposed to high quantities of, for example, listening contents, but still seem to learn little or nothing from the exposure. We believe there is room for a lot more research in these areas, research which will not only provide some answers in the area of informal language learning, but which will probably provide further insight into language acquisition in general.

Having reviewed a wide range of current informal language learning studies on school‐age children and a variety of higher‐education students, it is apparent that a number of different target populations remain to be studied in detail. These may include older learners, learners in workplace contexts, refugees, and heritage‐language learners. Anecdotal evidence suggests that seniors are actively involved in foreign language learning in informal contexts for the purposes of travel in retirement, to preserve cognitive plasticity (Bialystok et al. 2007), or as a new challenge that may be related to unfulfilled past projects or new social needs.

Much informal learning takes place in the workplace, as employees learn to do their jobs through informal interaction with colleagues and language learning may form a significant element of this. Janta and Keller's contribution to this volume (Chapter 15) is a helpful insight into people who develop new language skills specifically in the service industry, on either temporary or long‐term migration to a new country. Many other people are working in foreign‐language workplaces in their own country of birth. This could be the case in Europe, in large multinationals who have adopted a foreign working language (usually English) which becomes the language of communication as soon as a single foreign worker or manager participates in a conversation or meeting, as in other countries, where workplace etiquette suggests an official language or lingua franca rather than the use of local varieties. While in some contexts (such as France) corporations provide formal training for those who might find themselves in difficulty in such situations, this is far from the only resource employees have access to. Much remains to be learned about what other resources are being used, in what way and with what results.

Informal language learning studies on refugee and migrant populations are clearly of interest in the current international climate and might cover both intentional and unintentional language learning. Work in the present volume by Perry, Janta, and Keller is a good starting point and more can be done to focus on specific populations. Much remains to be done in contexts such as Africa and India, where the digital revolution looks somewhat different but where even poor populations have access to some digital resources (see Chapter 30 by Godwin‐Jones, where he discusses development of cheaper and more capable phones, coupled with various new access options such as subsidized data plans, community WiFi and open access centers). It would be fascinating to know how such usage of digital equipment is inciting linguistic change, from access to official and vehicular languages, to the neglect of local languages, the adoption of new norms, and the transgression of others.

Research into the nature or even quality of the contents to which learners are exposed has been helpfully touched on in chapter three of this volume by Mark Dressman. Does the fundamental quality of resources matter or are some “bad” videos actually more memorable to learners and therefore useful from an acquisition standpoint? As the beginnings of a move by younger learners away from professionally made video and toward large quantities of amateur “vlogger” videos can be seen in the research, these questions will become all the more relevant.

From the perspective of the philosophy of education, it may finally be helpful to consider whether informal language learning (and all other types of informal learning) are just a recognition of and return to the “natural order of things” where learning is a fundamental, life‐long, natural process (as explicitly stated in SDT). Since an ability to learn new skills throughout life is indispensable to current and future generations, the lessons of informal learning should be applied to formal contexts in order to prevent school from becoming an unnatural, inefficient parenthesis in the learner's trajectory.

In general, our enthusiasm for the topic of informal language learning stems from the fact that many different types of research can be carried out, such as quantitative research, qualitative research, acquisition studies, teaching studies, sociolinguistic or psycholinguistic approaches, as well as those focusing exclusively on informal language learning as a branch of computer‐assisted language learning (CALL). It is a field in which longitudinal study is very important, so PhDs in the field are welcome. Indeed, one of the challenges in the day‐to‐day life of the informal language learning researcher is that the normal cycle of research and production of articles and papers tends to last a few months, whereas important work on informal language learning remains to be done over much longer timespans. One consequence of these academic imperatives is that non‐school‐age learners tend to be underrepresented in informal language learning studies as teachers, whether in primary, secondary, or higher education, carry out research into the sample to which they have the easiest access. One means of short‐circuiting the timescales of informal language learning is, as Dörnyei (2014) has suggested, to engage in retrodictive studies, in which learners look back on their individual learner pathways as a way of understanding the current dynamics of their learning experience.

A final attraction of informal language learning as a field of study is that it is constantly changing as new technologies and trends develop. The mobile viewing of video, for example, is a development seen in the past five years driven by the growth of inexpensive mobile data connections and the expansion of affordable subscription services such as Netflix. This has also meant easy access to a much larger variety of content in many languages other than just English. All this adds up to the fact that for the researcher, the well of areas of study will never dry up. Apart from the likely lessening of the influence of TV series in English (and perhaps their increase in some other languages) and the arrival of vloggers, the other current tendency one may see as significant is the increase in interaction rather than just reception. This can be seen in the growth of commenting on videos rather than just watching them and indeed the general democratization of video production as a normal means of communication.

Conclusion

Looking forward, we wonder about the possibility of developing a holistic approach to language learning, that doesn't see things from a black‐and‐white, in‐and‐out (of the classroom) perspective, but as an integrated approach, building on a variety of continua or perhaps a variety of cycles. We are not different people in our personal and professional or personal and academic lives and ideally we should be able to imagine learning as some kind of seamless integration of all our life contexts.

A holistic approach to language learning is one in which the classroom may be a place to develop skills useful in the most trivial of leisure activities, since these are the real‐world applications of learning the language for many. “Understanding Breaking Bad 101” may not only be a popular course, but could also rekindle an interest in Chemistry. A holistic approach is also one in which the value of informal activities in the development of more formal and work‐related skills is recognized and operationalized as we have discussed in this chapter. At the heart of such approaches is the reality of communities of language users centered on shared themes and interests. The learning center is actually a learner center. This may mean promoting interactions and tasks around the real daily preoccupations of learners, which may just be the latest hair and makeup videos, offered by so called “lifestyle vloggers” or walking through a new video game.

Each generation of innovators in higher education has taken a small step by focusing on fields (such as contemporary culture or creative writing) once considered too trivial and too atheoretical to be worthy of academic study. It is time for informal language learning to take one of these steps.

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Note

  1. 1 Further to Larsen‐Freeman (2015) we prefer this term as a means of moving beyond the learning/acquisition debate.
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