12  Fisheries, resource management and climate change

Local perspectives of change in coastal communities in Northern Norway

Grete K. Hovelsrud, Jennifer West and Halvor Dannevig

Introduction

In this chapter we present empirical findings from case studies in Northern Norway that describe the complex environmental and societal context that shapes vulnerability and adaptation to climate change in coastal fishing communities. The case studies incorporate local knowledge in an approach that provides a means for researchers and community members to interactively identify local vulnerability factors, and which empowers communities to reflect on local adaptation needs. Our research is founded on the recognition that local communities should be involved in defining research questions with local relevance in order to understand how vulnerability is shaped at the local level and what future adaptation strategies will be required to meet multiple changing conditions. We illustrate this point with case studies in which we examine the multiple linkages between coastal fisheries, fishing regulations, changing environmental, social and economic conditions, and local knowledge.

Northern Norway has experienced an increase in annual mean air temperature over the last 100 years, with the warmest period having occurred in the last 20 years (Førland et al., 2009). Ocean temperature increases and a shift in the frequency and intensity of storms and extreme weather events in the region are expected to occur over the coming century (ibid.). Changes in the climate of Northern Norway will have consequences for fish stocks and in turn for coastal fishing activities. Such changes are not necessarily anticipated in current fisheries management practices and regulations, and will also challenge fishers’ experience-based knowledge of local sea, weather and fishing conditions.

We start by describing the case study context, and in turn explain our methods and approach. Next we discuss the empirical findings from the cases, highlighting the complex social, environmental and climatic interlinkages that underpin vulnerability and adaptation at the local level. We conclude that local knowledge is essential for capturing salient research questions that can help coastal fishing communities meet future challenges and opportunities.

Case studies context

Coastal fisheries have provided the basis for settlement in Northern Norway from historical times until the present, and remain important for employment, income and identity in many small communities in the region (e.g. Hovelsrud and West, 2008; Keskitalo and Kulyasova, 2009; West and Hovelsrud, 2010). Our case studies in Northern Norway are located near some of the world’s richest cod fisheries; historically the region has played a vital role for the Norwegian economy with its 1,000-year-old tradition of producing stock fish for national and international markets (e.g. Berge, 1996). While the number of fishermen has declined substantially over the last few decades due to technological, regulatory, economic and wider societal changes, fishing activities remain important in the case communities. In addition to fisheries and related processing activities such as stock fish production, agriculture, aquaculture, small-scale tourism and the service sector provide jobs locally.

Because economic, cultural, livelihood and recreational activities are closely connected to the natural environment, the communities are particularly exposed to environmental changes, including those that are driven or reinforced by climate change (Hovelsrud et al., 2010). Although fewer people hold jobs in the primary sector today compared to previously, these jobs still serve as the economic cornerstone for many northern, coastal communities. In the context of small and declining populations and a range of societal changes with which the region as a whole is dealing, climate-driven change is an added factor shaping vulnerability in the case communities.

Fishermen have, through their livelihood activities and experience, developed extensive knowledge of their environment, which has made them highly adaptable to natural variations in the region’s climate and fish stocks. Climate variability and change are key factors affecting the cod industry; ocean temperature determines where the cod will spawn and the production of stock fish requires a particular set of climate conditions at a specific time of year. A recent increase in ocean temperature in the Barents Sea has been linked to changes in the spatial distribution, abundance, and growth rates of key commercial fish stocks, including North Atlantic cod (Sundby and Nakken, 2008).

Norwegian fisheries are regulated and managed at a variety of levels, including individual fishing vessels, through quota and fishing ground assignments, and particular species (Jentoft and Mikalsen, 2004). With the introduction of the quota system in the early 1990s, the coastal fishery sector has adapted to fisheries management reforms and higher efficiency requirements that have effectively reduced the total number of fishers and fishing vessels in operation (ibid.). The fishing industry is also exposed to major fluctuations in fish prices due to variability in demand for fish products nationally and internationally.

Method and approach

A crucial aspect of research that aims to support community adaptation and reduce vulnerability to changing environmental and societal conditions is to involve local actors early in the process to identify locally relevant and useful research questions (see Berkes and Jolly, 2001; Turner et al., 2003; Ford and Smit, 2004; Lim et al., 2004; Keskitalo, 2004, 2008; Tyler et al., 2007; Smit, et al., 2008; and West and Hovelsrud, 2010; Hovelsrud et al., 2010). One of the fundamental principles of the research, therefore, is that it is relevant to the communities. This demands close collaboration with local actors (see also Gearheard et al., 2006; Hovelsrud and Winsnes, 2006). The case specific research questions driving the studies reported here were framed in cooperation with local actors. Fieldwork in the communities then helped to determine significant local conditions that shape vulnerability and require adaptation. Local involvement in the research design and process has contributed to increased awareness by researchers of local conditions and has in turn empowered the communities to reflect on their specific adaptation needs.

The researchers engaged in participant observation, held community meetings and consultations, conducted semi-structured interviews, and consulted with local government representatives (decision-makers and politicians) at each of the case sites. Those consulted included fishers, the fishing industry, local entrepreneurs, the tourist industry, store owners and “people at the local pubs.” The research has been an iterative process in which the results were presented to the community for feedback and adjustments throughout the project. Climate variability and change are linked to a range of issues of concern to fisheries, tourism, agriculture, aquaculture and municipal maintenance and planning in the case communities. In this chapter we emphasize the linkages between climate variability and change, local vulnerability factors, and coastal fisheries.

To ensure a holistic understanding of the broad changes that are important to the adaptations undertaken by and vulnerability of local fisheries actors, the topic of climate change was not a focal point of discussions during the fieldwork (Marino and Schweitzer 2009; Hovelsrud et al., 2010). In some cases, climate or simply topics about the weather were raised by our local partners in connection with fisheries activities. In other cases we asked deliberate questions about climate and weather in connection with the topics previously identified by the municipalities, fishers and the fishing industry. Once the topic of climate change was raised, discussions ensued about broader climatic conditions and specific local observations of changes in climatic variability and weather that affect coastal fishing activities.

Incorporating local knowledge in scientific research projects has received significant attention over the past two decades, and the value of such knowledge for understanding linkages between social and environmental changes is clear (e.g. Berkes et al., 1995). While the specific aspects of local knowledge (also termed traditional ecological knowledge) that is rooted in indigenous culture may not be directly transferrable to non-indigenous communities, both indigenous and non-indigenous people who depend directly on renewable natural resources, such as fisheries, rely on their extensive knowledge about the local environment and resources in question (e.g. Hovelsrud and Winsnes, 2006). Broad local knowledge of all aspects of coastal fisheries is gained through cumulative experience acquired by individual fishers over many years, and in turn constitutes a source of collective knowledge upon which fishers can draw to respond to changes in the resource base. Local knowledge is dynamic, and depends on active practice and transfer of knowledge and experience between generations, and from older to younger fishermen, so as to remain relevant and useful. Coastal fishermen in Northern Norway rely on their own knowledge about weather, oceanographic, and fish interactions, and adjust their fishing activities according to their own oceanographic and weather observations combined with knowledge obtained from local meteorological forecasts and fishing technologies, and within the constraints of particular social, economic and regulatory circumstances. The weather in Northern Norway is often described as harsh, extreme, highly variable and unpredictable, and coastal communities pride themselves on being adaptable to such conditions. As one fisher noted: “Nowadays some of the fishers even compete about being able to fish in the harshest weather.” This perception of “adaptability” can be argued to be a defining feature of the culture of coastal fishing activities in Northern Norway.

Findings and discussion

The fishing sector is considered by scientists to be sensitive to the consequences of climate change, in particular to the effects of altered marine environments on northern fish stocks. In this section we present and discuss a selection of locally-identified climatic conditions to which coastal fishing activities, defined in Norway as fishing activities that take place within 12 miles of the continental shelf, are considered sensitive (see West and Hovelsrud, 2010; Hovelsrud et al., 2010 for more details). We find that combined climate elements are of critical importance locally and should inspire further community relevant climatological research. Thereafter, we discuss the social factors that our local partners identified as shaping the flexibility of their coastal fishing activities and which we argue are important for understanding vulnerability and adaptation needs locally. In particular we find that fishing regulations may increase fishers’ vulnerability in the context of climate change if they do not consider changing environmental conditions and responses that may be required locally to deal with these. Successful regulatory adjustments will require that policy makers have a better understanding of the consequences of climate change for coastal fisheries. Lastly, we argue that there are increasingly complex social and economic reasons for why the coastal fisheries in Northern Norway may be vulnerable to the impacts of future climate change. These include an aging fisherman population, outmigration, and current income tax regulations. In view of the findings, we argue that climatic, social, and economic factors together shape coastal fishing activities, and need to be considered holistically to arrive at a better understanding of local vulnerability and adaptation challenges.

Local climate elements

Ocean temperature: Although coastal fishers are accustomed to dealing with high natural variability in weather, climate and the resource base, local observations of changes in ocean temperature and in the distribution of fish species are consistent with recent scientific measurements and data. This data shows that even though the ocean temperature in the Nordic Seas fluctuates between cold and warm periods, the last 30 years show a rapid increase to levels higher than the long-term median (Hanssen-Bauer, 2009). Increased ocean temperature affects the production and distribution of biomass (Loeng and Drinkwater, 2007), and a linear relationship has been established between ocean temperature and the distribution of spawning cod and herring (Sundby and Nakken, 2008). In addition to changes in the distribution and abundance of commercially important fish stocks such as Norwegian cod (Gadus morhua), herring (Clupea harengus), and capelin (Mallotus villosus), an increased influx of southerly species such as mackerel (Scomber scombrus) monk/goose fish (Lopus piscatorius) and blue whiting (Micromesistius poutassou) to Finnmark, in Northern Norway, is anticipated (ACIA, 2005; Drinkwater, 2005; Loeng and Drinkwater, 2007; Sundby and Nakken, 2008). Moreover, the ocean is warming both horizontally and vertically with the result that the fish feed deeper in the water column (Sundby, personal communication). Fishers’ responses to these changes are two-tiered: fishing farther out to sea, and employing fishing gear that can reach fish at greater depths.

Polar lows, storms and extreme weather: Coastal fishermen are accustomed to storms and extreme weather, as such conditions affect when, where and with what risk they operate. Whether polar lows are identified by coastal fishers as being of particular concern depends on the proximity of their fishing activities to the polar ice in the Barents Sea. A polar low is a small cyclone forming over open sea during the cold season, is highly localized and commonly not forecast, forming quickly and with hurricane force winds (Hamilton, 2004). Although the drivers of polar lows and Arctic fronts are not yet well understood, we know that a polar low forms when a pocket of cold polar air moves across relatively warmer water (Ibid.). According to our local partners in Finnmark, polar lows represent a significant hazard to coastal fishers during winter. The small coastal fishing vessels (juksa, less then 10m in length) are particularly vulnerable to polar lows and storm activity because of their size and because they are typically manned by a one-person crew (West and Hovelsrud, 2010). Local knowledge in and of itself is insufficient for detecting polar lows.

Across the sites, storms and extreme weather are generally highlighted locally as affecting coastal fishing activities, and in turn the supply of fish to local fish processors and the subsequent shipment to market. Results from recent climate modeling suggest an increase in strong wind events in the Nordic Seas (Barstad et al., 2009). When storm conditions prevent fishers from either leaving harbor to fish, or from hauling in catch from traps or nets left out over night, fishing gear may become tangled and fish quality may suffer, costing both time and money (West and Hovelsrud, 2010). Stormy weather often leads to closure of roads, ports and airports, which in turn interrupts the transportation of processed fish out of the region.

Coastal fishers explain that during winter, the main cod fishing season, strong winds from the south and inland are often cold and, when meeting the warm, moist maritime air, may cause ice to accumulate on fishing vessels and gear. Accumulation of ice on vessels and equipment may, in rare cases, cause a vessel to capsize, and fishers are acutely aware of this hazard. The combination of wind, temperature and moisture together create hazardous conditions which are difficult to forecast. Instead the fishers rely on their own experience and knowledge for assessing local conditions and whether it is safe to fish.

Conditions at sea in the study region have already started to change beyond what has previously been adapted to, creating challenges for the coastal fishing fleet. Increased ocean temperatures are occurring, and storm surges and wave heights and wind are all expected to undergo changes in the future (Loeng, 2008; Førland et al., 2009). With increasing ocean temperatures the sea ice will continue to retreat and the distributional range of commercially important fish stocks will continue to shift and may even increase in the Barents Sea. Current fishing regulations delimit access to fish stocks by different vessel size classes and fishing zones and these classifications may not be optimal or appropriate under future marine environmental conditions. In the absence of adapted fishing regulations, coastal fishers may be prevented from traveling farther out to sea to catch distant fish stocks, or if regulations encourage them to do so, fishing vessels currently in use may not be suitable for traveling long distances or withstanding increased storm activity.

Wider social context

In addition to environmental and meteorological observations, actors identify a range of social, cultural, institutional and economic factors that shape coastal fishing activities, and which they perceive to be of more immediate concern for their livelihoods than climate change (West and Hovelsrud, 2010; Hovelsrud et al., 2010). Outmigration to larger centers and an aging fisher population are two ongoing trends of concern in our case-communities. Outmigration of young people reduces recruitment to fisheries while also decreasing the tax base in the municipality, which is needed to support and renew fishing infrastructure such as landing facilities, and to provide social and economic support to fishing families. An aging fisher population also threatens the traditional basis for income and employment, and according to respondents is interrupting the transfer of fishing knowledge and skills between generations. The high cost of gaining access to and participating in the current limited-entry, quota-based management regime is a main reason cited by local fishers for why few young people choose to become fishermen. This trend is taking place despite the current profitability of fishing. Explaining the full socio-cultural and economic context of coastal fisheries requires a detailed discussion, beyond the scope of this chapter (see instead West and Hovelsrud, 2010). However, it is clear that the viability of coastal fishing communities is closely connected to local and regional developments within the fisheries.

Actors in our case studies consider fisheries regulations and management to be major determinants of both changes in fish stocks and in fishermen’s potential adaptation to these changes. Reform of Norwegian fishing regulations over the past four decades has involved a transition from an open to a limited entry quota-based fishery founded on the precautionary principle, and total allowable catch (TAC) limits (MoFC, 2007). This has increased the monetary value of fishing quotas and led to a decrease in the total number of coastal fishing vessels and employment in the sector. Structural changes to the fishing fleet over the past two decades therefore reflect the changing management regime and resulting cost structure of participating in a limited access fishery. National fisheries management goals include broad concerns for economic efficiency, social welfare and ecological sustainability. Societal goals are in line with Norwegian district policy, which emphasizes an equitable balance of fisheries participation and rights in different regions in order to maintain a dispersed coastal settlement pattern.

While traditional coastal fishing activities were flexible and adaptive, in terms of fish species, fishing gear and fishing grounds in response to a highly variable and migratory resource (see Jentoft, 1998; Coulthard, 2009), today Norwegian fisheries are highly regulated, institutionalized and politicized (Jentoft, 1998; Jentoft and Mikalsen, 2004; Keskitalo 2009). It is perhaps not surprising, when looking at the Norwegian example, that fisheries management and governance decisions are considered by many to play a more important role than climate change in determining the fate of northern fish stocks (Vilhjálmsson et al., 2005; Browman, 2008; Eide, 2008). In partial support of this position we argue that climate change is an added stressor to the current resource management regimes, and may in fact serve to increase local vulnerability. For example if regulations expand current fishing zones farther out to sea to enable coastal fishers to reach more distant fish stocks, and this coincides with more frequent extreme weather conditions in these same areas, safety hazards may increase for small fishing vessels. Climate change may increase the need for adaptation and flexibility in the fisheries because of a shift in fish species and interactions, and changing weather and navigation conditions at sea (Hovelsrud and West, 2008).

Fishing seasons, quotas and management of individual fish stocks do not take into account the variable weather patterns and longer-term climate trends which often determine when, where and under what conditions coastal fishing activities can take place. These are conditions that, according to fishers, scientists and managers, are already being affected by climate change (Browman, 2008; Hovelsrud et al., 2010). In the past coastal fishers were also farmers or held part-time jobs to ensure a stable year-round income. This was a successful adaptation to a seasonal and variable resource base (Brox, 1966). However, the current national income tax system and quota maintenance requirements for fishers restrict multiple incomes, creating barriers for livelihood diversification and potential obstacles for maintaining vibrant coastal fishing communities.

Economically, coastal fisheries are increasingly integrated and exposed to global market mechanisms (e.g. Keskitalo, 2008; Kaskitalo and Kulyasova, 2009). The current global financial crisis has led to a reduced demand for the exclusive Norwegian cod that has coincided with excellent fishing conditions in many parts of Norway. At the same time, a reduction in the number of landing facilities, along with a weakened economy, have led to reduced storage capacity at remaining landing sites, resulting in cases where coastal fishers have been denied the opportunity to land their catch. The linkages between small coastal fishing communities and the broader international and economic contexts are clear, and illustrate the complexities of understanding local vulnerability and adaptation concerns. Supply of fish depends on environmental, including climatic conditions, while access to fish depends on fishing regulations, technology choice, weather conditions, and price and cost factors (West and Hovelsrud, 2010).

Conclusions

Coastal fishing communities are accustomed to dealing with variability and change in local climate, weather, fish stock abundance and distribution, and, more recently, changing fishing regulations and management. Our research suggests that three interlinked factors are currently of concern for coastal fisheries: changes in bio-physical conditions (ocean and fish); fisheries management and regulations (vessel size, species, quotas) and societal conditions (outmigration, economics, and transfer of knowledge, among others). The interlinkages between these elements in shaping coastal fishers’ vulnerability and adaptation have first and foremost been captured and understood through local involvement in our research. Climatic, social, and economic factors together shape coastal fishing activities, and must be considered holistically in order to understand local vulnerability and adaptation challenges.

Local observations of increasing ocean temperatures and shifting fish distribution across our case sites corroborate scientific data and projections, despite the fact that there remain uncertainties about future changes in both knowledge fields. The method by which the knowledge we have presented in this chapter has been obtained differs from more traditional scientific approaches, and is driven by different needs for understanding (see Hovelsrud and Winsnes, 2006). Based on our findings we suggest that considering both local and scientific knowledge systems together leads to a broader understanding of the complexities inherent in fisheries’ vulnerability and adaptation issues. Incorporating local knowledge into the research design of projects will likely improve the relevance of questions asked during the research for the communities in which research takes place. The latter statement is supported by our empirical findings that show that a combination of climate elements, rather than individual climate parameters are of critical importance locally and should spur further community relevant climatological research, and that current fishing regulations may increase future vulnerability in the context of climate change if they do not consider changing environmental conditions. Adjustments in these regulations will require policy makers to better understand the consequences of climate change for coastal fisheries. There are increasingly complex social and economic reasons for why coastal fisheries in Northern Norway may be vulnerable to the impacts of climate change. The issue of poor recruitment of young fishers to the coastal fisheries shows that adaptation challenges arise due to a range of factors, including inflexible tax regulations and high entry costs. The consequences are a breakdown in the transfer of local fisheries knowledge, and an uncertain future for coastal fisheries, which remain a cornerstone for local culture and identity in the case communities.

Local interest in and trust of scientific information may improve with an exchange of observations and knowledge. Fishers express dissatisfaction with what they experience as lack of interest in their knowledge from the marine science community: there is no tradition for broad consultations between scientists and individual local fishers about the fisheries resources and their harvests, and needs based on social and economic premises (e.g. Jentoft and Mikalsen, 2004). However, involving local actors in the research design and research process and thereby making the research relevant and useful locally will increase overall awareness and provide the communities with more tools for increasing their adaptive capacity. Our empirical findings show a high level of detailed local knowledge about relationships between fisheries activities, changing climatic conditions, fisheries management and regulations, and economics not previously addressed holistically in research on fisheries and climate change. We suggest that it is of critical importance for community empowerment – an element of adaptive capacity – that local actors are consulted early on, and throughout the research, and that they and their knowledge be treated as equal partners in scientific investigation. Only in this way can research on and for adaptation lead to successful and legitimate actions and policy interventions.

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