The Content Perspective: Healthy and Unhealthy Values

The first perspective regarding the relationships between values and well-being focuses on the content of values, positing that it is the essence of the value itself that determines its positive or negative impact on well-being.

The Process Perspective: Goal Attainment

A second perspective focuses on the process through which values are related to well-being. Researchers in this line of research suggest that well-being is affected by the extent to which people are able to attain the goals, motives, and values that are important to them. The content and the process perspectives differ in their focus: The content perspective focused on what people value, desire, and strive for; the process perspective focuses on the extent to which they can attain what they desire. The two perspectives differ because holding a value does not necessarily imply that one can attain it. For example, attributing high importance to achievement values expresses the motivation to gain personal success by demonstrating competence according to social standards. Individuals can attribute high importance to achievement values, although circumstances do not allow them to fulfill these values.

Researchers in the goal-attainment perspective agree that the more people are able to attain their needs, values, and goals, the higher their well-being (e.g., Oishi et al., 1999; Sheldon & Elliot, 1999). They diverge, however, regarding their position on whether the content of the goals and value matters. Some researchers reason that attainment of any important value or goal is beneficial to well-being, whereas others posit that there are fundamental differences between goals; attaining some goals is beneficial to well-being, whereas attaining others might be detrimental.

A seminal study in the goal-attainment approach examined students' well-being during 23 consecutive days (Oishi et al., 1999). At the beginning of the study, the students reported the importance they attributed to achievement and benevolence values. Each day, students reported how satisfied they were with their achievements and with their social life that day. To measure daily well-being, students were asked each day how good or bad that day was. Consistent with the goal-attainment perspective, participants' daily well-being was directly affected by daily satisfaction with their achievements and with their social lives.

Relations with values were more complex: Well-being did not correlate directly with the importance students attributed to achievement or benevolence values. The role of values became evident, however, when the interaction between values and satisfaction with achievements and social life was examined. Daily satisfaction with achievements was a stronger predictor of daily well-being for those who attributed high importance to achievement values than for those who attributed low importance to these values. Similarly, satisfaction with social life was a stronger predictor of well-being for those who emphasized benevolence values than for those who attributed relatively low importance to these values. Thus, individuals' day-to-day well-being was predicted by the extent to which people felt that they were able to attain their important goals.

Oishi et al. (1999) further examined the moderating role of personal values in the relations between satisfaction with specific life domains and general satisfaction. Participants reported their satisfaction with their grades, family, and social life. Again, the relations between satisfaction with a specific life domain and general satisfaction were moderated by personal values. Satisfaction with grades was a stronger predictor of general satisfaction the more important achievement values were; satisfaction with the family predicted general well-being the more important conformity values were; and satisfaction with social life affected general satisfaction more the more important benevolence values were.

A study distinguishing agentic versus communal needs provide additional support for the contention that the attainment of any value, need, or goal could lead to well-being (Brunstein, Schultheiss, & Grassmann, 1998). At the beginning of a semester, students were classified according to the extent to which they had relatively more agentic versus communal motives. During the semester, the students reported their daily emotional well-being. At the end of the semester, the students reported which goals they had attained during that period of time. Findings indicated that students who attained goals congruent with their main motive were likely to enjoy higher daily emotional well-being. That is, for students with agentic needs, well-being correlated with the attainment of agentic goals, whereas for students with communal needs, well-being correlated with the attainment of communal goals.

Support for the claim that attainment of any value has the potential to benefit well-being was also found in a study focusing on the extent to which people perceive different identities as allowing value attainment (Oppenheim-Weller, Roccas, & Kurman, 2014). The participants were asked to think about some of their important social identities and to indicate how each identity enables them to fulfill a set of values. Social identities provide opportunities and constraints for value fulfillment, hence affecting the extent to which specific values can be fulfilled. By measuring value fulfillment directly (“How much do you feel your x identity allows you to fulfill y?”) the participants were directed to include the environment in which the value is being fulfilled (by directing the participant to focus on a specific identity).

The relations between subjective value fulfillment and well-being were measured in a variety of samples examining different identities: Israeli-Jewish students (examining the Israeli and the student identities), Arab-Israeli students (examining the Arab and the Israeli identities), and Druze adults (examining the Druze, Israeli, and Arab identities). The identities differed in the types of values they facilitated; for example, the student identity was perceived as enabling the fulfillment of self-direction and achievement values. In contrast, the Arab identity and Druze identities were perceived as enabling the fulfillment of conformity and tradition values.

Correlations between subjective value fulfillment and well-being were consistently positive across values and across identities. Even in identities that are controversial in a specific group, such as the Israeli identity for the Arab-Israelis, feelings of value fulfillment were positively related to well-being. A possible implication of these findings is that using the framing of value fulfillment may be useful in helping people feel positivity concerning different identities and helping people notice the positive sides in each identity.

In sum, findings of these studies suggest that attaining important values is likely to benefit well-being—regardless of the value in question. The self-concordance model (Sheldon & Elliot, 1999) presents a different perspective on the relationship of goals attainment and well-being. This model suggests that the extent to which goal satisfaction results in positive well-being depends on whether a goal is self-concordant. Self-concordant goals derive from intrinsic (also termed identified) motives that originate in inherent basic psychological needs. Attainment of these goals is more likely because individuals invest sustained effort in pursuing them. Moreover, their attainment contributes to one's sense of well-being more than attainment of other goals because they originate in inherent basic psychological needs.

Sheldon and Eliot (1999) conducted a longitudinal study among university students. In the beginning of the semester, students reported eight goals they had set for themselves and their motivation to pursue each goal. Three times throughout the semester, respondents reported the amount of effort put into pursuing each goal and the extent of attainment of that goal. Students put more effort into pursuing goals and were more successful in attaining them the more they were self-concordant. Goal attainment led to an experience of psychological need satisfaction, which correlated with improvement in well-being. In addition, goal attainment predicted psychological need satisfaction more, the more concordant were the goals attained. Thus, the type of goal moderated the effect of its attainment on well-being.

Sheldon and Houser-Marko (2001) replicated these findings and showed, in addition, that setting self-concordant goals at the beginning of the semester was related to setting future self-concordant goals, as long as the goals were attained. Thus, in line with the goal-attainment perspective, the self-concordance model suggests that well-being is related to the extent to which people are able to attain their important goals. However, the self-concordance model holds that the effect of value attainment depends on the value in question: Only attaining values that are self-concordant is beneficial to well-being.

Bridging these two views, Carver and Bird (1998) argued that any goal, intrinsic or extrinsic, could be self-concordant. They showed that when materialistic goals of financial success were self-concordant, they led to a positive sense of well-being. Furthermore, when the intrinsic strivings of community involvement were not self-concordant, they correlated negatively with well-being. In other words, they argued that it is the extent of self-concordance—and not the content of strivings—that lead to positive well-being.

In sum, goal attainment is a path through which values could indirectly affect well-being. Researchers differ in their view on the role that the content of values/goals plays in these relationships. Whereas some (e.g., Sheldon & Eliot, 1999; Sheldon et al., 2004) argue and find that it is the attainment of autonomous needs that positively affects well-being, others (e.g., Brunstein et al., 1998; Oishi et al., 1999; Oppenheim-Weller et al., 2014) show that the attainment of any values—including materialistic or conformity values—may be linked to a positive sense of well-being.

Environmental factors may play an important role in goal attainment. Ryan and Deci (2000) noted that whereas the existence of intrinsic motives is independent of environmental context, carrying them out, sustaining them, and enhancing them may well depend on circumstances. In the next section, we present a third perspective for the relations of values and well-being—the person–environment congruency perspective, which focuses on the context, suggesting that well-being is more likely the more people emphasize values that prevail in their social environment.

The Context Perspective: Person–Environment Value Congruency

The two perspectives we discussed so far focus on the individual. A third perspective refers to the interplay between the individual and the social context. For example, in a study of 25 European countries included in the ESS project (Sortheix & Lönnqvist, 2014), the extent of societal socioeconomic development (measured with the Human Development Index [HDI]) interacted with personal values in predicting satisfaction with life. The authors found that the social context affects the relations between values and well-being, such that endorsing achievement values is positively related to well-being in societies with low HDI, where individuals have to strive to satisfy their basic requirements for living, but these values are negatively related to well-being in societies with high HDI, where basic requirements are satisfied and interpersonal relationships are likely to become more relevant to one's happiness.

A growing line of research that focuses on the context as a moderator of relationships between values and well-being investigates the fit between individuals and their social environments. Specifically, researchers posit that congruency between individuals' value hierarchies and the values that prevail in their social environments are beneficial for well-being (e.g., Chatman, 1989; Edwards, 1992; Feather, 1975; Furnham & Bochner, 1986; Segall, 1979). Research on person–environment congruency, or fit, has emerged in various areas of psychology, including social, educational, vocational, and organizational psychology. Most studies investigated the implications and outcomes of these relationships; only a few researchers considered the theoretical mechanisms that underlie and account for these outcomes (Edwards & Cable, 2009). Sagiv and Schwartz (2000) proposed three mechanisms that may explain the process through which person–environment value congruency influences the sense of well-being.

Multiple Paths Toward Happiness

Each of the three perspectives presented in this chapter has practical implications for both individuals and society. By integrating all three views, we may suggest more fine-tuned implications for the role that socialization agents such as parents, educators, counselors, and leaders may play in individuals' striving for happiness.

The healthy values perspective suggests a simple path toward positive well-being: Values and strivings that are intrinsic by nature (e.g., autonomy) are likely to lead to positive well-being because they reflect self-actualization needs that are inherent to human beings. Parents, teachers, leaders, and therapists may all nurture such values and strivings through modeling and reinforcement. Note, however, that external rewards may lead to introjected or internalized goals at best, but they cannot lead to intrinsic motives that are most desired according to the healthy values perspective. Parents and teachers should therefore provide children with circumstances that offer them opportunities to develop intrinsic motives.

Consider for example the case of career counseling. Sagiv (1999) proposed the distinction between two main products that counselors offer their clients: They can provide clients with direct guidance regarding the vocation most suitable to them (a process she named “giving answers”), or they can provide the clients with skills and tools that allow them to make decisions autonomously. Sagiv showed that career counselors judged counseling as more successful the more clients were oriented to search for tools (i.e., they expressed independence, activity, and insightfulness) and the less they were oriented to look for answers (i.e., acted in dependent and passive ways).

Similarly, well-being is not likely to increase when a person adapts competence strivings during therapy because she wants to please her therapist or gain the approval of her parents. Rather, a positive sense of well-being is more likely when therapy provides her with an accepting and supporting environment, where she can find out what her internal motives are and is encouraged to follow them. Correspondingly, parents may serve as models and may encourage and support their children in expressing autonomy or concern for others. Teachers may help students express independence, relatedness, or competence, and they create a learning environment that encourages students to follow their intrinsic motives and goals. Research stemming from the SDT framework has proposed interventions designed to teach and implement the principles of SDT, and hence promote the development of such learning environments (e.g., Assor, Kaplan, Feinberg, & Tal, 2009). Drawing on Schwartz's (1992) theory of values, recent research has proposed a short intervention that increases the importance of benevolence values by means of self-persuasion, without providing false information or external pressure/rewards (Arieli, Grant, & Sagiv, 2014).

A second path toward happiness is suggested by the goal-attainment perspective: According to this view, individuals should fulfill their values and attain their important goals as means for positive well-being. Consider again the example of career counseling. Consistent with the goal-attainment perspective, counselors may focus on helping clients to identify goals that they are likely to successfully attain. To identify such goals, counselors and clients may rely on intelligence and aptitude tests, on simulations, and on clients' successful past experiences. Once such desired and plausible goals have been identified, counselors may encourage clients to focus on these goals and neglect goals that are less probable.

Along these lines, societal agents and institutions may contribute to goal attainment in various ways. Parents, for example, may expose their children to suitable experiences, help them endorse those values that best suit their inner self, and encourage them to fulfill their internal goals. Education systems may be designed to allow students to identify and follow their academic interests, social perspectives, and life aspirations. Counselors or therapists could direct clients to focus on the values they can fulfill in their multiple identities and to emphasize the positive aspects of each identity. Focusing on value fulfillment can shape the perception of social identities, such that identities that are perceived mostly as restricting and impairing could become more appealing. Thus, for example, teachers could increase their personal sense of well-being by thinking about their profession as providing opportunities to promote the welfare of children (i.e., fulfillment of benevolence values) rather than thinking about the profession as restricting their opportunities for acquiring wealth (i.e., limiting the fulfillment of power values).

The third view discussed in this chapter, the person–environment congruency perspective, postulates that it is the fit between individuals and the environments they identify with that affects subjective well-being. Even truly intrinsic values may lead to a negative sense of well-being if a person holding such values highly identifies with an environment that rejects him or her. Therefore, it is not enough to internalize intrinsic strivings—individuals have to find environments that are congruent with those strivings.

Again, we can readily apply this perspective to the example of career counseling. One of the main goals of career counseling is identifying an occupational environment that fits the client's personal characteristics, values, strivings, and goals. Thus, for example, counseling may help a person who emphasizes autonomy to choose an occupation in which most people emphasize similar values and that affords many opportunities to express autonomy (e.g., artistic or investigative professions, according to Holland's [1985] typology) and to avoid occupations in which most people attribute low importance to autonomy values and that are highly structured and conservative (e.g., conventional professions).

The congruency perspective also suggests that when the environment is congruent, even extrinsic values may lead to positive well-being, because the environment offers the individual many opportunities to attain his important goals; because she may enjoy social support from those around him who endorse similar values; and because he holds a compatible set of values. This view of well-being thus underscores the importance of finding a meaningful environment (e.g., a profession, a social community, a spouse) that endorses values similar to one's own.

Individuals and societies can use two types of processes in their efforts to seek and offer congruent environments: selection or socialization processes. Selection processes allow people to search and find those conditions, situations, and environments that may ease the attainment of their goals. Autonomous individuals in a collective culture may be active in social groups that are relatively autonomous (e.g., artists), whereas conservative individuals in an autonomous culture may join conservative communities (e.g., a religious community). Society may contribute to effective selection processes too: Family members, teachers, and counselors may help individuals identify their basic motivations and recognize the circumstances that allow for their expression and attainment—the congruent schools, workplaces, social activities, family lifestyles, and so on.

Socialization processes help individuals become more congruent with their environment. Individuals may change their own value system so they come to internalize values and goals that may lead to well-being (e.g., values of autonomy or care for others). They can also adopt values and goals that are more similar to those in the environment that is important to them. Finally, individuals may create or shape the environment or social situation in which they operate. Thus, for example, managers can allow employees to shape their working environment, determine the extent of autonomy they have in carrying out their tasks, and even influence their reward system.

Conclusion

Many paths may lead to happiness. In this chapter we reviewed three paths, all of which regard happiness as an objective that individuals may actively strive to achieve, and each entails different challenges for those who peruse it. The healthy values path requires that individuals be intrinsically motivated in their aspirations and that their aspirations be of certain form and nature. The goal-attainment path requires individuals to invest sustained effort in pursuing the attainment of their goals. Finally, the congruent environment path requires individuals to either select or adapt to the environments important to them in order to produce the congruence beneficial to them. Pursuing some or all of these challenges increases individuals' chances to be happy and satisfied with their lives.

Summary Points

• Drawing on Sagiv, Roccas, and Hazan (2004), we present three perspectives for the relations between values and well-being that focus on the (1) content, (2) process, and (3) context of pursuing values. For each perspective, we review past literature and discuss the main controversies.
• The healthy and unhealthy values perspective focuses on the content of values, suggesting that emphasizing some values is likely to increase well-being whereas emphasizing other values may be detrimental to well-being.
• The goal-attainment perspective focuses on the process through which pursuing values may affect well-being. This perspective suggests that it is the attainment of individuals' important values that leads to well-being.
• The person–environment value congruency perspective suggests that social contexts moderate the relations between personal values and well-being: The more individuals strive for values that are emphasized in their social environment (e.g., family, work, culture), the more likely they are to enjoy a positive sense of well-being.
• Past research found evidence supporting all three perspectives. However, studies yielded inconsistent findings regarding the content of values that lead to well-being; regarding whether attainment of any value or goal is positively related to well-being; and regarding the moderating role of the social environment. We propose that integrating the three perspectives may shed light on some of these inconsistencies.
• Building on the three perspectives, we discuss paths through which educators, leaders, and counselors can help individuals to improve their sense of well-being.
• Drawing on the healthy values perspective, teachers and counselors could create an environment that encourages individuals to follow their motivated goals and values. Social institutions can implement interventions that researchers developed to encourage intrinsic values and goals.
• Drawing on the goal-attainment perspective, parents, teachers, and therapists may encourage individuals to identify and pursue goals that they are likely to be able to successfully attain.
• The person–environment congruency perspective is especially applicable to situations of choice, such as choosing an area of study in high school or college, or during career counseling, in which individuals may be encouraged to consider the congruency between their important values and the values that are emphasized in the different learning environments, occupational fields, and organizations.

References

1. Arieli, S., Grant, A., & Sagiv, L. (2014). Convincing yourself to care about others: An intervention for enhancing benevolence values. Journal of Personality, 82, 15–24.
2. Assor, A., Kaplan, H., Feinberg, O., & Tal, K. (2009). Combining vision with voice: A learning and implementation structure promoting teachers' internalization of practices based on self-determination theory. Theory and Research in Education 7, 234–243.
3. Bilsky, W., & Schwartz, S. H. (1994). Values and personality. European Journal of Personality, 8, 163–181.
4. Bobowik, M., Basabe, N., Páez, D., Jiménez, A., & Bilbao, M. Á. (2011). Personal values and well-being among Europeans, Spanish natives and immigrants to Spain: Does the culture matter? Journal of Happiness Studies, 12, 401–419.
5. Branstetter-Rost, A., Cushing, C., & Douleh, T. (2009). Personal values and pain tolerance: Does a values intervention add to acceptance? Journal of Pain, 10, 887–892.
6. Brunstein, J. C., Schultheiss, O. C., & Grassmann, R. (1998). Personal goals and emotional well being: The moderating role of motive dispositions. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 75, 494–508.
7. Burroughs, J. E., & Rindfleisch, A. (2002). Materialism and well-being: A conflict value perspective. Journal of Consumer Research, 29, 348–370.
8. Carver, C. S., & Bird, E. (1998). The American dream revisited: Is it what we do or why we do it we do it that matters? Psychological Science, 9, 289–293.
9. Chatman, J. A. (1989). Matching people and organizations: Selection and socialization in public accounting firms. Academy of Management Proceedings, 1, 199–203.
10. Cohen, S., & Wills, T. A. (1985). Stress, social support, and the buffering hypothesis. Psychological Bulletin, 98, 310.
11. Davidov, E., Schmidt, P., & Schwartz, S. H. (2008). Bringing values back in the adequacy of the European Social Survey to measure values in 20 countries. Public Opinion Quarterly, 72, 420–445.
12. Deci, E. L., & Ryan, R. M. (1985). Intrinsic motivation and self-determination in human behavior. New York, NY: Plenum Press.
13. Deci, E. L., & Ryan, R. M. (1991). A motivational approach to self: Integration in personality. In R. Dienstbier (Ed.), Nebraska symposium on motivation: Vol. 38. Perspectives on motivation (pp. 237–288). Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.
14. Deci, E. L., & Ryan, R. M. (2008). Facilitating optimal motivation and psychological well-being across life's domains. Canadian Psychology, 49i: , 14–23.
15. Deckop, J. R., Jurkiewicz, C. L., & Giacalone, R. A. (2010). Effects of materialism on work-related personal well-being. Human Relations, 63, 1007–1030.
16. Diener, E., & Seligman, M. E. (2004). Beyond money toward an economy of well-being. Psychological Science in the Public Interest, 5, 1–31.
17. Edwards, J. R. (1992). A cybernetic theory of stress, coping, and well-being in organizations. Academy of Management Review, 17, 238–274.
18. Edwards, J. R., & Cable, D. M. (2009). The value of value congruence. Journal of Applied Psychology, 94, 654.
19. Edwards, J. R., & Rothbard, N. P. (1999). Work and family stress and well-being: An examination of person-environment fit in the work and family domains. Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes, 77, 85–129.
20. Emmons, R. A. (1986). Personal strivings: An approach to personality and subjective well-being. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 51, 1058–1068.
21. Emmons, R. A. (1991). Personal strivings, daily life events, and psychological and physical well-being. Journal of Personality, 59, 453–472.
22. Emmons, R. A., & King, L. A. (1988). Conflict among personal strivings: Immediate and long-term implications for psychological and physical well-being. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 54, 1040–1048.
23. Feather, N. T. (1975). Values in education and society. New York, NY: Free Press.
24. Furnham, A., & Bochner, S. (1986). Culture shock: Psychological reaction to unfamiliar environments. London, England: Methuen.
25. Gebauer, J. E., Riketta, M., Broemer, P., & Maio, G. R. (2008). Pleasure and pressure based prosocial motivation: Divergent relations to subjective well-being. Journal of Research in Personality, 42, 399–420.
26. Gelfand, M. J., Raver, J. L., Nishii, L., Leslie, L. M., Lun, J., Lim, B. C., & Yamaguchi, S. (2011). Differences between tight and loose cultures: A 33-nation study. Science, 332, 1100–1104.
27. Getzels, J. W. (1969). A social psychology of education. In G. Lindsey & E. Aronson (Eds.), The handbook of social psychology (Vol. 5). Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley.
28. Gibson, J. (1979). The ecological approach to visual perception. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin.
29. Haslam, N., Whelan, J., & Bastian, B. (2009). Big five traits mediate associations between values and subjective well-being. Personality and Individual Differences, 46, 40–44.
30. Hitlin, S., & Piliavin, J. A. (2004). Values: Reviving a dormant concept. Annual Review of Sociology, 30, 359–393.
31. Holland, J. L. (1985). Making vocational choices: A theory of careers. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
32. Holland, J. L., & Gottfredson, G. D. (1976). Using a typology of persons and environments to explain careers: Some extensions and clarifications. The Counseling Psychologist, 6, 20–29.
33. Ivgi, I. (2003). Value congruency of teachers: Implications for well-being (Unpublished master's thesis). Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel.
34. Joshanloo, M., & Ghaedi, G. (2009). Value priorities as predictors of hedonic and eudaimonic aspects of well-being. Personality and Individual Differences, 47, 294–298.
35. Karabati, S., & Cemalcilar, Z. (2010). Values, materialism, and well-being: A study with Turkish university students. Journal of Economic Psychology, 31, 624–633.
36. Kasser, T., & Ahuvia, A. C. (2002). Materialistic values and well-being in business students. European Journal of Social Psychology, 32, 137–146.
37. Kasser, T., & Ryan, R. M. (1993). A dark side of the American dream: Correlates of financial success as a central life aspiration. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 65, 410–422.
38. Kasser, T., & Ryan, R. M. (1996). Further examining the American dream: Differential correlates of intrinsic and extrinsic goals. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 22, 82–87.
39. Kluckhohn, C. (1951). Values and value orientations in the theory of action. In T. Parsons & E. Shils (Eds.), Toward a general theory of action (pp. 388–433). Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
40. Koole, S., Smeets, K., van Knippenberg, A., & Dijksterhuis, A. (1999). The cessation of rumination through self-affirmation. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 77, 111–125.
41. Kristof-Brown, A. L., Zimmerman, R. D., & Johnson, E. C. (2005). Consequences of individuals' fit at work: A meta-analysis of person-job, person-organization, person-group, and person-supervisor fit. Personnel Psychology, 58, 281–342.
42. Lu, L. (2006). “Cultural fit”: Individual and societal discrepancies in values, beliefs, and subjective well-being. Journal of Social Psychology, 146, 203–221.
43. Maio, G. R. (2010). Mental representations of social values. In M. P. Zanna (Ed.), Advances in experimental social psychology (Vol. 42). New York, NY: Academic Press.
44. Nickerson, C., Schwarz, N., Diener, E., & Kahneman, D. (2003). Zeroing in on the dark side of the American Dream: A closer look at the negative consequences of the goal for financial success. Psychological Science, 14, 531–536.
45. Oishi, S., Diener, E., Sue, E., & Lucas, R. E. (1999). Value as a moderator in subjective well-being. Journal of Personality, 67, 157–182.
46. Oppenheim-Weller, S., Roccas, S., & Kurman, J. (2014). Value attainment through social identities. Working paper.
47. Roccas, S., & Sagiv, L. (2010). Personal values and behavior: Taking the cultural context into account. Social and Personality Psychology Compass, 4, 30–41.
48. Roccas, S., Sagiv, L., Oppenheim, S., Elster, A., & Gal, A. (2014). Integrating content and structure aspects of the self: Traits, values, and self-improvement. Journal of Personality, 82, 144–157.
49. Roccas, S., Sagiv, L., Schwartz, S. H., & Knafo, A. (2002). Basic values and the five factor model of personality traits. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 28, 789–801.
50. Rohan, M. J. (2000). A rose by any name? The values construct. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 4, 255–277.
51. Rokeach, M. (1973). The nature of human values. New York, NY: Free Press.
52. Ryan, R. M., Chirkov, V. I., Little, T. D., Sheldon, K. M., Timoshina, E., & Deci, E. L. (1999). The American dream in Russia: Extrinsic aspirations and well-being in two cultures. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 25, 1509–1524.
53. Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2000). Intrinsic and extrinsic motivations: Classic definitions and new directions. Contemporary Educational Psychology, 25, 54–67.
54. Ryan, R. M., Koestner, R., & Deci, E. L. (1991). Ego-involved persistence: When free-choice behavior is not intrinsically motivated. Motivation and Emotion, 15, 185–205.
55. Sagiv, L. (1999). Searching for tools versus asking for answers: A taxonomy of counselee behavioral styles during career counseling. Journal of Career Assessment, 7, 19–34.
56. Sagiv, L., Roccas, S., Hazan, O. (2004). Value pathways to well-being: Healthy values, valued goal attainment, and environmental congruence. In P. A. Linley & S. Joseph (Eds.), Positive psychology in practice. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.
57. Sagiv, L., & Schwartz, S. H. (2000). Values priorities and subjective well-being: Direct relations and congruity effects. European Journal of Social Psychology, 30, 177–198.
58. Schmuck, P., Kasser, T., & Ryan, R. M. (2000). The relationship of well-being to intrinsic and extrinsic goals in Germany and the U.S. Social Indicators Research, 50, 225–241.
59. Schneider, B. (1987). E=f(P,B): The road to a radical approach to person-environment fit. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 31, 353–361.
60. Schwartz, S. H. (1992). Universals in the content and structure of values: Theoretical advances and empirical tests in 20 countries. In M. P. Zanna (Ed.), Advances in experimental social psychology (Vol. 25, pp. 1–65). New York, NY: Academic Press.
61. Schwartz, S. H. (1999). A theory of cultural values and some implications for work. Applied psychology, 48, 23–47.
62. Schwartz, S. H., & Rubel, T. (2005). Sex differences in value priorities: Cross-cultural and multimethod studies. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 89, 1010–1028.
63. Schwartz, S. H., & Sagiv, L. (1995). Identifying culture-specifics in the content and structure of values. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 26, 92–116.
64. Segall, M. H. (1979). Cross-cultural psychology: Human behavior in global perspective. Monterey, CA: Brooks/Cole.
65. Shaw, J. D., & Gupta, N. (2004). Job complexity, performance, and well-being: When does supplies-values fit matter? Personnel Psychology, 57, 847–879.
66. Sheldon, K. M., & Elliot, A. J. (1999). Goal striving, need-satisfaction, and longitudinal well being: The self-concordance model. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 76, 482–497.
67. Sheldon, K. M., & Houser-Marko, L. (2001). Self-concordance, goal-attainment, and the pursuit of happiness: Can there be an upward spiral? Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 80, 152–165.
68. Sheldon, K. M., Ryan, R. M., Deci, E. L., & Kasser, T. (2004). The independent effects of goal contents and motives on well-being: It's both what you pursue and why you pursue it. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 30, 475–486.
69. Sherman, D. K., & Cohen, G. L. (2006). The psychology of self-defense: Self-affirmation theory. Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, 38, 183–242.
70. Solberg, E. C., Diener, E., & Robinson, M. (2004). Why are materialists less satisfied? In T. Kasser & A. D. Kanner (Eds.), Psychology and consumer culture: The struggle for a good life in a materialistic world (pp. 29–48). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.
71. Sortheix, F. M., & Lönnqvist, J. E. (2014). Personal value priorities and life satisfaction in Europe: The moderating role of socioeconomic development. Journal of Cross Cultural Psychology, 45, 282–299.
72. Spini, D. (2003). Measurement equivalence of 10 value types from the Schwartz Value Survey across 21 countries. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 34, 3–23.
73. Steele, C. (1988). The psychology of self-affirmation: Sustaining the integrity of the self. In L. Berkowitz (Ed.), Advances in experimental social psychology (Vol. 2, pp. 181–227). San Diego, CA: Academic Press.
74. Tetlock, P. E. (1986). A value pluralism model of ideological reasoning. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 50, 819–827.
75. Uchino, B. N., Cacioppo, J. T., & Kiecolt-Glaser, J. K. (1996). The relationship between social support and physiological processes: A review with emphasis on underlying mechanisms and implications for health. Psychological Bulletin, 119, 488.
76. Vansteenkiste, M., Duriez, B., Simons, J., & Soenens, B. (2006). Materialistic values and well-being among business students: Further evidence of their detrimental effect. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 36, 2892–2908.
77. Yang, L. Q., Che, H., & Spector, P. E. (2008). Job stress and well-being: An examination from the view of person-environment fit. Journal of Occupational and Organizational Psychology, 81, 567–587.
78. Zilberfeld, T. (2010). Person-culture fit and subjective well-being among ultra-orthodox and secular Israelis (Unpublished master's thesis). Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel.