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Latino Diasporas and the Media

Interdisciplinary Approaches to Understanding Transnationalism and Communication

Jéssica Retis

Two concomitant processes have influenced each other since the second half of the twentieth century. On the one hand, international immigration from Latin America increased in the 1980s and 1990s due to the structural changes brought about by the economic, financial, and social crises that characterized these “lost decades.” On the other hand, the field of communication experienced an increase in the concentration of media ownership, combined with accelerated technological innovation and lower costs of transportation and information and communication services. As a consequence, diasporic contexts were transformed by new spaces of production, distribution, and consumption of mass media and, in the last decade, by new communication technologies. Territorial immigrants were transformed into digital immigrants in complex and changing processes affecting both Latin Americans living abroad and their family and friends who remain in their place of origin (Retis, 2012).

Analyzing and understanding the communicative practices of Latin American diasporas requires interdisciplinary approaches in order to develop a perspective that is both comprehensive and critical (Retis, 2011). Processes of economic globalization require a rethinking of traditional ways of examining national societies in relationship to network systems (Castells, 2006) that have led to the deterritorialization of social life, transformed its cultural dimensions (Appadurai, 1997; Thompson, 1995), and reconfigured nodes in the form of global cities (Sassen, 2001). In this context, links established between and for immigration networks outline new diasporic spaces relying on transborder circuits of communication and information (Retis, 2008).

What follows is a reflection on the theoretical approaches and the design of methodologies and processes of fieldwork that allowed me to analyze and understand the media as social actors in the context of the international migration of Latin Americans. I argue that in the study of diasporas and the media it is essential to: (1) understand sociodemographic conditions before analyzing media spaces; (2) understand the economic and political structure of the media before analyzing their discourses on immigration; (3) examine professional routines before analyzing practices in covering diversity issues; and (4) understand cultural and media consumption in countries of origin before analyzing practices in diasporic contexts. In sum, it is indispensable to build interdisciplinary approaches to understand transnational communication practices.

The Transnational Perspective: The Interstices of Thinking “Glocally”

My first attempt at investigating Latin American migration and the media came with the development of my doctoral dissertation. My initial research questions focused on sociodemographic, economic, and political contexts: Who are Latin American immigrants in Spain and why do they come? What kinds of structural conditions may cause the movement of Latin Americans toward Spain? What are their socioeconomic and political status? Subsequent questions focused on the media context: How are Latin American immigrants represented in the Spanish mainstream press? What economic, social, and political conditions influence mainstream news media discourses on immigration? How might Spanish journalists' perceptions of Latin American immigrants shape these discourses? How might this media agenda influence the perception of Latin American immigrants in Spanish society? How do Latin American immigrants perceive their media coverage? How might media images influence modes of intercultural communication between Spaniards and Latin American immigrants?

The first set of questions is aimed at analyzing and understanding the contemporary history of Latin American immigration in Spain. A review of secondary sources revealed that most available research was conducted from an ethnocentric perspective, according to which processes of migration were conceived as unidirectional, driven by poverty and/or exclusion, and where immigrants were perceived as disconnected from their place of origin. In contrast, critical studies detected unfavorable trends in the ways in which migrants were incorporated into social stratification and political discourse: the concentration of displacements from certain countries as a result of structural relations of dependence, fragile immigrant working conditions, low representation of gender and family contexts and/or youth and children in immigration policies, among others (Colectivo Ioé, 1999a, 1999b, 2001, 2003; Gil, 2006; Gregorio & Ramírez, 2000; Pedone, 2003).

The second set of questions guided the examination of processes of representation of otherness in public discourse. Here, the review of secondary sources revealed that very few studies at the time focused critically on the representation of Latin American immigrants in the Spanish press. Most studies examined the representation of non-European Union immigrants, then primarily identified as coming from Africa, and particularly the Maghreb. This situation led to a comparative perspective on the image of “Latin Americans” and “non-Europeans” or “Africans” or “Muslims” in dominant discourses. It became quickly evident, however, that one could not really analyze “Latin Americans” as a homogeneous group. Demographic sources indicated that Latin Americans came mainly from three countries whose nationals are differentially incorporated into Spanish society. Thus, the situations of Ecuadorian, Colombian, and Argentinean immigrant groups, who all arrived during the late twentieth century and early twenty-first century, was compared (Retis, 2006).

The analysis of social representations was based on elements of sociolinguistics, specifically critical discourse analysis (Van Dijk,, 1997). It sought to examine not only the language and its connotations, but also the broader media discourse and trends in news media coverage. The sample included daily news stories published during 2001 and 2002 in the three most important national newspapers in Spain: El País, ABC, and El Mundo. Political economy of media and media sociology approaches helped guide the study's efforts to understand the links between mainstream media discourse and political actors involved in “public debate” (Bañón, 2002) and the analysis of production routines and filters in news production (Herman & Chomsky, 1988). An examination of business and institutional relations between media and political groups helped identify filters at the macro level. Semi-structured interviews with Spanish journalists covering immigration issues in these three newspapers provided a more micro-level perspective. Finally, focus groups with immigrants from Ecuador, Colombia, and Argentina sought to understand how media images influence forms of intercultural communication, in particular, how immigrants perceive their media representations and how these influence their intercultural relations (Retis, 2006).

Representations of Otherness in News Media Discourse: Latin Americans in Spain

Most of our social and political knowledge and our beliefs about the world emanate from the information we read or hear every day (Van Dijk, 1997). Therefore, at the turn of the century, Latin American immigrants in Spain began to be known more for their presence in mainstream news media than through daily intercultural interactions. Spaniards began to hear about Latin Americans from news and feature stories and from interviews with sources that tended mainly to relate to their presence in social conflict (Retis, 2012). The idea of “Latin American immigrants” in Spain was built collectively, giving the entire group characteristics that did not represent their actual nature, but resulted in a symbolic construction that constituted an “imagined immigrant” (Santamaría, 2002). While Latin American immigration is the result of multiple factors operating at different levels, the crossing or intersection between local and global contexts is rarely acknowledged in the genre of news. A complex and heterogeneous situation is turned into symbolic representations of “them” Latin Americans versus “us” Spaniards (Retis, 2006).

Scholars have demonstrated that trends in the representation of non-EU immigrants in Spain take the form of two conflicting modes: on the one hand, the media discourse induces fear by showing immigrants as a danger or a threat; on the other, it tends to focus on the most dramatic aspects of immigrants' regrettable situation, their poverty, their difficulties, and so on, which induces an emotional reaction of compassion and pity (Rizo, 2001).

The conceptualization of Latin Americans as foreigners, however, required particular elaboration because the process of exclusion could not be based on language or religion. Social segregation was built in the 1980s by the neologism sudacas (a pejorative concept that means “from the South”) to signal alien status (Juliano, 1994). In this sense, cultural proximity does not imply the disappearance but rather the displacement of ethnic boundaries within the social symbolic structure. If linguistic and religious differences do not exist, and if racial differences are not extreme, then other criteria are needed to define otherness. My multimethod examination of daily news stories published in Spain's three national newspapers revealed three trends in the representation of this “new otherness”: a compassionate view of Ecuadorians, a frightened approach to Colombians, and a brotherly attitude toward Argentineans (Retis, 2006). These trends are further examined below.

Compassionate View of Ecuadorians

In January 2001 an accident that killed 12 broccoli collectors in the rural area of Murcia was covered with an element of surprise when irregularities in the working and living conditions of Ecuadorian immigrants were “discovered” by the Spanish media. The magnitude of the event and its news coverage led to the beginning of a social debate comparable only to two previous historical instances: the assassination of Dominican immigrant Lucrecia Pérez and racist events that involved Moroccan immigrants in El Ejido (Retis, 2006).

The discourse analysis identified five themes: (1) the tragedy of the accident seen as “revealing” many other social problems related to immigration; (2) the surprising discovery of a recent increase in the number of Ecuadorian immigrants; (3) the precarious working conditions of Ecuadorian immigrants in rural areas; (4) the lack of labor inspectors and of temporary labor market regulation; and (5) the corruption of Spanish employers who hire undocumented immigrants as cheap labor.

The analysis of production routines demonstrated that the main sources of news stories were representatives of political parties, members of labor unions, representatives of the machinists' union, national and regional government authorities, local authorities, and members of the church. In contrast, representatives of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and immigrants or immigrant associations were almost completely excluded from the press coverage, suggesting an imbalance in access to public discourse. Generally, and although the three newspapers analyzed have different ideological affiliations, the analysis showed striking similarities in their coverage of the event.

An analysis of headlines on the day after the accident illustrates this point: “Twelve Ecuadorians die hit by a train in Lorca” (ABC, January 4, 2001); “Twelve Ecuadorians die when hit by a train in Murcia” (El País, January 4, 2001); “Twelve Ecuadorians killed when a train crushed the overcrowded van they were traveling in” (El Mundo, January 4, 2001). The designations were similar: first, Ecuadorean, highlighting the nationality, the term of the out-group (the others); second, the word “immigrants,” a designation that came into use in the early 1990s involving a series of symbolic connotations: people who come to live in our country, probably without proper documentation (Martín, 2003). This condition is highlighted in most of the news stories, as exemplified by an El País article headlined “Labor Inspectors investigate their working conditions” (El País, January 4, 2001). Most news stories highlighted information related to inspection, delving into the local perspective without extending this discussion to global conditions, and without explaining pull–push factors and labor market conditions to readers (Granados, 2002; Retis, 2006).

The analysis reveals that Ecuadorian immigrants were portrayed as passive actors and exploited “illegal” workers – that is, as violators of the law – highlighting the criterion of national origin as a symbolic border of exclusion. Unions and political parties were represented positively as those who assume the voice of protest against the conditions under which “the others” – immigrants in the “Spanish fields” – work. These immigrants, however, remained unidentified and their statements were not directly quoted. For instance, an article in El Mundo pointed to second-hand information gathered from Europa Press to discuss the workers' legal status: “a compatriot of the deceased, who declined to give his name, said the only [worker] who had regularized his situation was the driver of the van” (January 5, 2001). Ecuadorians were presented as victims of the tragedy, of poor working conditions and exploitation.

One of the most frequently recurring metaphors in the news coverage was the representation of Ecuador as a country battered by economic crisis and corruption – “Ecuador, a country in stampede,” read a headline in El País (January 7, 2001). Ecuadorians were presented as fleeing, en masse, in an “avalanche” of the new poor. They were “The twentieth century conquistadores” (ABC, January 4, 2001). With statements such as “U.S. is no longer the only Eldorado, Spain is the escape gate for 50,000 people” (El País, January 4, 2001) or, “The Ecuadorian ‘desert’: There are places like The Village of Lonely Women, where there are no husbands left because they have migrated in search of fortune. Years ago they emigrated to the US, now the dream destination is Spain” (El Mundo, January 7, 2001), Spain was, in turn, repositioned as Eldorado, or paradise. It was the new place where people came to seek their fortune.

An Attitude of Fear Toward Colombians

The immigration debate became particularly heated in Spain in 2001 following the approval of a new immigration law that implemented new criteria for quotas and control of immigration flows, which led to the self-seclusion of immigrants in churches as actions of protest, and to accusations on the part of political groups questioning the constitutionality of the law and of policies of control and treatment of immigration. In October 2001, the police department launched Operation Ludeco to fight against crime committed by Colombians and Ecuadorians. This followed a previous operation, Operation Coffee, launched in September in response to the death of four Colombians in Madrid. Scholars have demonstrated that the recurring link between crime and immigration in social debate contributes to a process of criminalization of individuals whose crimes are attributed solely to their immigrant condition (Aierbe, 2002; Wagman, 2002).

The analysis of the news coverage of Colombian immigrants illustrates this metonymic process. Discourse analysis demonstrated that Spanish mainstream media so frequently designated Colombian immigrants as criminals that the adjective “Colombian” eventually became a synonym for the term. An ABC report illustrates this trend: “The Police [is] convinced that Colombians' violence will splatter throughout society” (September 1, 2001). From the entire corpus only a few examples noted that this linkage is not applicable to the entire group of Colombians residing in Spain – or as, El País put it, that “Colombians who commit crimes are only a minority” (October 3, 2001).

During the period analyzed, news coverage of Colombians centered on two main topics: drug trafficking – “Network of Colombian ‘narcos’ acting through Internet and paying with emeralds is caught” ((ABC, May 29, 2001); “Traveling with her three years old daughter transporting camouflaged cocaine” ((ABC, September 22, 2001) – and robberies and violence – “Firefighters rescue Colombian sequestered for ten days” (El País, January 18, 2001); “Spain captures the murderer of eleven Colombians” (ABC, May 14, 2001); Hit men and dangerous criminals arrested in a major action against Colombian gangs” ((ABC, November 25, 2001); “Gang of Colombians who stormed over fifty villas and apartments is dismantled” ((ABC, June 28, 2001).

This correlation is related to news coverage of Colombia in international news stories where most of the information is linked to guerrillas, crime, corporate corruption, and drug trafficking (Igartúa et al., 2003). These arguments cause fear and rejection of the foreigner who comes to break the law. As Reguillo notes, for governments and international press Colombia has become the metaphor of horror and that means chaos, lawlessness, excessive violence, drug control institutions, in short, “institutional collapse” (Reguillo 2002a, 2002b). During 2001, most of the news stories about Colombians related in some way to social conflict: “Colombian ELN guerrillas kidnapped Latin American motorcycling champion” ((ABC, January 4, 2001); “Number of paramilitary victims increased. Human rights violations in Colombia, either by the instruments of the state, guerrillas, paramilitaries or drug traffickers, makes this country the worst in the region” ((ABC, February 27, 2001); “Poor peasants in Colombia give children to tourists to prevent starvation” ((ABC, January 27, 2001); “Colombia, on the threshold of fear” (El Mundo, March 16, 2001).

Brotherly Attitude Toward Argentineans

Discourse analysis of Spanish press conducted during this time period demonstrated a comparatively much broader coverage of the Argentinean financial crisis, with particular attention paid to Spanish investments in the country. Argentineans were represented through a fraternal lens. They were described as “brothers,” “children,” or “grandchildren,” but also as “business partners,” customers, businessmen, and political friends. Three main themes emerged in this discourse. First, the coverage included references to allegations against the Argentine military, to memories of torture, and to the trials of members of the oppressive government, which resonated with memories of Spain's own oppression suffered in recent history. Second, references to political corruption were found in the opinion pages, but also in news and feature stories. Most of the coverage, however, focused on the third theme, Spain's involvement in the Argentinean financial crisis, with headlines such as: “U.S. accuses former partner of Telefónica Argentina of laundering money” (El Mundo, March 1, 2001); “Recol workers occupy the Spanish Embassy in Buenos Aires” (El Mundo, March 2, 2001); “Spain caught in financial crisis in Argentina. Investors rely on the South American country despite outbreaks of anti-Spanish demonstrations” (El País, June 10, 2001), “The threat of devaluation in Argentina sinks the Spanish stock market” (El País, June 19, 2001); “Spain maintains its credit in Argentina. The campaign waged by some unions and media against Spain's image has not resonated with the public” (El País, June 24, 2001); “Argentinean workers throw eggs at the head-quarters of Telefónica in Buenos Aires” (El País, August 6, 2001).

Unlike the news coverage of Ecuadorian and Colombian immigration, more comprehensive reporting on Argentina provided a context for the economic crisis and gave the story prominence in the overall news discourse. As a consequence, emigration was represented as a solution to middle-class struggles: “Getting out of here. The degradation in survival and disenchantment with the government are pushing a new exile in Argentina” (El País, March 14, 2001); “All for the Motherland. Four Argentinean Spaniard's descendents explain their reasons for leaving their country and entering the Spanish army” (El País, June 17, 2001); “Argentineans line up at the Spanish Embassy to emigrate” (El País, June 25, 2001).

This comparative analysis demonstrates that, in stark contrast to the representation of Ecuadorian and Colombian immigrants, Spanish mainstream media represented Argentinean immigrants in a gentle – even warm – tone. The coverage focused on the fact that the middle class was most affected by the Argentinian crisis, but failed to notice that this is also typically the case for other Latin Americans. It was as if Spaniards were welcoming their grandchildren home: “Crisis in Argentina: Implications. Spanish emigrants embark on the return journey. The middle class, which provides much of the tax revenue, most affected by the situation” ((ABC, August 8, 2001, emphasis added). The Argentinean economic crisis was closely followed and moved from the business or economy pages to the front cover and the international section of the newspapers. Feature stories on recent migration to Spain took on a similar tone and reports on the settlement of Argentines in Madrid or Barcelona were routinely covered in a more relaxed and kindly manner than in the cases of Ecuadoreans and Colombians.

Immigrants' Discourses on Their Media Images

Spaniards' perceptions of immigrants are periodically analyzed by monthly barómetros (periodic polls) of the Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas (Center of Sociological Investigations), but little was known about immigrants' perceptions. This part of the study employed focus group interviews to explore how Latin Americans perceive representations of themselves in the Spanish media. Using sociodemographic statistical data available from the Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas, six focus groups were formed to build a representative sample of men, women, and younger and older participants. Each session lasted between 40 minutes and an hour. I showed participants a selection of examples of newspaper stories and asked them to express their opinions on media representation and intercultural relations in Spain.

Ecuadorians: “We Are Just the Poor and We Get Angry”

Ecuadorian immigrants expressed anger at the way in which the mainstream Spanish media represent their ethnic group. Most participants summarized this feeling by pointing to the adjective “poor.” They noted that the word is used with a double meaning: “poor” from an economic point of view, as belonging to a low-income community, but also “poor” as an emotional perception, suggesting that they are unable to overcome exploitative situations. When reading samples of newspapers, participants discussed how they felt powerless because they were not able to change these perceptions. They took on a vindictive tone in protest against what they saw as an unfair and probably intractable situation. Participants described themselves as hard-working, honest, and decent, but felt they were not represented as such in media reports about them. Their feelings of anxiety about media representations were closely related to the issue of labor exploitation. Participants discussed how they should not be exploited, but recognized that many of their compatriots put up with these abuses for economic reasons. Most participants pointed out that they belonged to the middle class and were neither ignorant nor uneducated:

Women tended to be more vocal in these discussions. Two main ideas drove their perceptions: on the one hand, when evaluating their situation in the labor market, they understood their contribution to productivity in Spain, especially in domestic service. They felt humiliated and discredited, and noted that neither the government nor other institutions recognized their value. On the other hand, they claimed that the image of Ecuadorian women was linked to prostitution and that this idea did not correspond to reality. When asked about Spain, participants deemed their host society too traditional and nationalistic. They described Spaniards as afraid that immigrants would bring poverty with them, as if they still lived in the postwar period. In the group discussions, participants acknowledged an increase in “social rejection” in everyday life, which they felt was affected by media perceptions. Participants agreed that there is a clear relation between what people “hear” or what the media “say” and their attitude toward immigrants. They also recognized that the growth of immigrant populations influences the level of rejection on the part of the Spanish population. Most of these perceptions were related to media images and immigrants' experiences in everyday life – especially when using public transportation and social services, environments in which Spaniards are forced to relate to immigrants.

In terms of access, participants recognized that they have very little opportunity to intervene in media discourse and pointed out that this is one of the reasons why immigration has been unfairly represented in the mainstream press. They felt that the media's distorted picture of reality was caused mainly by immigrants' lack of access to public discourse:

Ecuadorian immigrants recognized that there is a clear illusory correlation between immigration and crime and felt that their group was partially responsible for this perception – although they tended to refer, in this case, to Colombian immigrants. When evaluating what was being said about them in public discourse, Ecuadorians critiqued the over-emphasis on social conflict in news stories – situations of marginalization, overcrowding in apartments, exploitation at work places – and the campaigns against them mainly put in place by police operations aimed at controlling Ecuadorians and Colombians.

Colombians: “They See Us as ‘Bad’ People and They Are Afraid of Us”

When evaluating representations of themselves in the media, Colombians agreed on three adjectives: sicarios (assassins), “drug traffickers,” and “guerrilla members.” In addition, most participants recognized that these media images are prominently promoted not only in Spain but also internationally. In discussing their previous experiences in other countries, participants explained that they have faced similar stereotypes. Colombian immigrants discussed the pain they felt when they were not able to overcome this perception at the beginning of their intercultural relations. They felt very much affected by these images in their daily lives, as they tended to be labeled as “bad” before being known. A survey carried out by Aparicio and Giménez (2003) demonstrated that the media constitute a mirror through which not only Spaniards look at Colombians as criminals, but that also affects Colombians. Participants in our focus groups corroborated the idea that a symbolic border is built around most Colombian immigrants that is hard to escape:

Given these images, Colombians recognized that they have to develop persuasive strategies in their intercultural relations with Spaniards: the objective in their daily practices was to convince the latter that prejudices and stereotypes do not reflect Colombians' real nature. When sharing their personal experiences in their first contacts with natives, Colombians acknowledged that they have to make an effort to show that they do not match the bad media images of them. Participants evaluated these efforts in terms of successes and failures but there was a group consensus that the results were mainly positive: Colombians generally recognized that once Spaniards got to know them personally, these negative media images could be overcome.

Participants claimed that the media – referring specifically to TV and radio, but extrapolating to the news media in general – have produced these images. When criticizing media practices, Colombians characterized the Spanish media as sensationalist, noting that they commonly “sell” specific images for their value in news markets.

Argentineans: “If We Do Not Talk, They Do Not Realize We Are Argentineans”

Argentineans acknowledged their preferential status in the Spanish news media coverage of Latin American immigration. They understood that this privileged position is due to their “greater resemblance to Spaniards,” as there is a distinction between different Latino nationalities. Group participants used the term “castes” to refer to what they understood as “levels of acceptance.” In this sort of stratification, Argentineans occupy first rank in social preference because they are “the most Europeans of South America”:

MAN FOCUS GROUP 1:	There are status such as . . . as “castes” [laughs]. . . if we can say so . . . uh . . . fortunately or unfortunately, I do not know . . . eh . . . we Argentineans are like the most Europeans of South America . . . and all in all [discussion on negative presence of Latin American immigrants], we remain unnoticed . . .
WOMAN, FOCUS GROUP 1:	Sure, physically . . .

Participants agreed that in their daily intercultural relations, Argentineans have more tools at their disposal, such as experience of previous migrations processes between Spain and Argentina, or closer cultural liaisons due to their recent common history. They found that Argentineans came equipped with more information about what to expect in Spain than other Latin Americans. They explained that other Latin American immigrants accept certain extreme situations that Argentineans would not allow. Younger participants insisted that there is a differentiation by nationality, and perceived more discrimination against Ecuadorians and Colombians. They explained this situation, first, by citing Argentineans' “most European” descent, and, second, by pointing out Latin Americans' attitude toward Spaniards. Thus, in their opinion, it was logical that Argentineans should remain racially and culturally unnoticed in Spain. Argentines felt a kind of familiarity when arriving in Spain; however, they felt uncomfortable when observing racial discrimination that relates to skin color rather than social stratification.

Argentineans' self-identification as “pure white” helped them explain their preferential treatment. They felt comfortably racially integrated, and consequently able to evade Spaniards' racist attitudes. Family ties, in this sense, occupied a key position in modes of perception of in-group and out-group. The hybrid figure of the “hispanoargentino” (Hispanic Argentinean) eventually emerged in group discussions. Compared to the other two Latino groups examined here, Argentineans can be considered to fit in what in Spanish I called la condicion del No-llos (a condition between “them” and “us”).

Journalists' Discourses on the “Problem” of Latin American Immigration in Spain

Critical perspectives on news production have demonstrated that journalists do not merely select and combine information: “rather they can be seen to literally ‘produce’ the news in the context of organizational and other social frameworks” (Tuchman, 1980, 2002). Since little was known about how Spanish journalists produce news on immigration, I conducted in-depth interviews with reporters specializing in this type of coverage for the three newspapers analyzed. The main objective of this part of the study was to understand their perceptions, daily routines, and organizational frameworks (Retis, 2013).

When asked to analyze issues on immigration, Spanish journalists recognized that the phenomenon has occurred intensively and rapidly. A noticeable difference emerged, however, in the way journalists working for different news organizations framed the topic. Those working for conservative newspapers described immigration as an “avalanche” and depicted immigrants as “people who have no resources in their home country.” Interviewees working for progressive newspapers positioned themselves as taking a more critical perspective, arguing that there is a trend to criminalize immigrants in conservative news media. In all cases, immigrants were considered to have arrived in “excessively large numbers” and to need to be “assimilated” in a very short period of time. Spanish journalists relied on the European Union scheme of describing international immigration status using two criteria: administrative and geographical origins. They tended to rely on “legal discourse” when describing foreigners.

When asked to examine the reasons behind immigration in Spain, journalists tended to agree when analyzing economic conditions, even if they differed in their political opinions. They identified poverty as the main cause of immigration, focusing the analysis on push factors, without further examining the socioeconomic and political realities of the countries of origin, and without addressing international and geopolitical contexts. When they described the development of immigration flows in Spain, they focused specifically on “cheap labor,” centering their examination on pull factors.

Journalists described Spain as “Eldorado,” a land of opportunities and access to a better life. They also noted, however, that immigrants are being misled because “they think they will find jobs and housing immediately.” All interviewees recognized that immigrants face “a lot of exploitation” and a severe “housing problem.” Along with this, they believed that many immigrants hold on to the idea of returning to their home countries. They reiterated, on the one hand, figures from voluntary return projects and, on the other, that immigrants found themselves “disappointed” with what they find upon arrival. In general, distinctions by nationality did not appear until the topic was directly addressed during the interviews (Retis, 2013).

Respondents recognized that immigration is a difficult topic. They noted that when covering other political issues, sources – senators, members of congress, and representatives of various institutions – tend to be more readily accessible. They felt that immigration issues, on the other hand, required greater negotiation between journalists and political sources. Respondents emphasized how much effort it took to get information other than that offered through official channels. They valued statistical reports on the number of residents and governmental surveys positively and acknowledged that they regularly use these studies to produce news stories. Journalists emphasized how difficult it is to get quotes from immigrants because most of them are reluctant to speak to the media. They believed that this is due to their extreme vulnerability. They noted, for example, that it is very unlikely they would get an immigrant to denounce any kind of labor exploitation or other illegal situation. In addition, journalists explained that, even if they got the interview, it was hard to get a picture because of the fear of reprisals from both those who exploit immigrants and the Spanish authorities:

In recent years, national and international agreements between professional associations have been developed in an effort to improve news media coverage of ethnic minorities. In addition, newspapers have integrated guidelines into their stylebooks, and ethical codes have been promoted by press associations and NGOs. In practice, however, journalists demonstrated only limited knowledge of these initiatives.

Discourses on Self-Representation: Ethnic Media in Global Cities

The need for better access to media and self-representation was a constant running theme in applied focus group discussions with Latin American immigrants in the Spanish capital. Between 2004 and 2007, an increase in the production, distribution, and consumption of ethnic media in Spanish global cities – such as Madrid and Barcelona – seemed to respond to this necessity. Thus, I developed a new research project in 2008 with the aim of exploring their significance and responding to some preliminary questions: Why was there a “boom” of immigrant-oriented media? Who drove these enterprises? Who were the producers? What kinds of topics did ethnic media cover? What were their main sources of financing? What were the main forms of distribution and consumption? This research project combined, once again, diverse methodologies. It began with a review of quantitative data reports. I then designed a survey that was administered to all ethnic media in Madrid. I also conducted semi-structured interviews with a selection of reporters, editors, broadcasters, sales agents, and specialists in ethnic marketing. Finally, I carried out participatory observation practices in a sample of newsrooms and Latino radio stations.

This research identified four stages in the history of ethnic media in Madrid: (1) emergence of media projects during the mid-1990s; (2) first wave of growth (2000–2003); (3) second wave of growth (2004–2006); (4) strengthening of associative synergies (2007–2008). Findings were published just before the Spanish economic crisis in 2008. Much evidence suggests that we are currently in a new stage of recession, which led to the closure of a great number of these media outlets mainly due to a decrease in advertising revenues. However, a group of immigrant-oriented media continues to circulate in some Spanish global cities such as Madrid and Barcelona. I am currently studying these, and other Spanish-language and Latino-oriented alternative media outlets, in a comparative research project that aims to understand how some have withstood the economic crisis and the transition to new technologies in an era of shrinking newsrooms. This comparative study, entitled “Latino Media in Global Cities: Los Angeles, New York, London, UK, and Madrid,” strives to understand how technology, industrial synergies, and the consolidation of transnational Latino audiences have conditioned media projects being produced in these global cities. I base my research mainly in semi-structured interviews and participatory observation practices in these four cities, which have a high or growing concentration of Latinos (Retis, 2010a).

In 2007 a total of 56 companies were identified in Madrid – all of them with at least one media outlet targeted at immigrant audiences. A few entrepreneurial groups published several headers – Copernal Publishing, for instance, produced 14 different magazines. Other initiatives started up from small business groups, such as Doble Via Comunicaciones (four publications), and Nova Duma SL (three publications). Eight groups edited two publications simultaneously: these include España Exterior SL, Media Press SL, and Mediterránea de Cultura y Medios. Some groups – such as Pueblo Nuevo, Roman in Lume, and Si Se Puede SL – produced both print and broadcast media, although that trend was less widespread.

The study found a wide variety of production, distribution, and consumption of immigrant-oriented media. There were high-quality publications – with regular distribution and well-documented distribution systems – which attracted advertising dollars from large clients. At the other end of the spectrum there were small media outlets with less regular publication frequencies and distribution system. These companies usually attracted ads from small and medium businesses and focused their interest on local issues. Distribution systems varied greatly. Some companies hired third-party services for publications' placement while others used part of the business group to handle distribution. We even encountered some outlets which did not have a regular distribution and where the director or employees distributed the publications by themselves.

One of the most interesting findings was the role of locutorios (call centers) as public spaces of intra-group communications and media consumption. These centers provide spaces in which immigrants interact face to face and through Internet and phone calls with their family members. It is in the context of these transnational practices that immigrants got a hold of magazines or weekly newspapers locally produced for them. The use of computers also facilitates online consumption of media produced in their countries of origin. In my ongoing research I found that more recently, commercial enterprises have been designing specialized delivery systems on mobile phones and applications that aim to increase immigrants' media consumption.

Survey responses and in-depth interviews with ethnic media editors demonstrated that most producers identify their audiences as mainly immigrants. The mention of specific national groups only came later. Also, there was no great differentiation along generational, gender, occupational, or socioeconomic lines. This is likely because these initiatives are in their early stages, which helps explain why most content is related to immigration in Spain, news from countries of origin, and entertainment.

Cultural and Media Consumption in Diasporic Contexts

In-depth interviews and participatory observation in locutorios, ethnic media outlets, ethnic restaurants, parks, and festivals helped me to identify trends in the cultural and media consumption of Latin American immigrants in Spain. In 2012 I started a new research project that aimed at addressing the following questions: What are the main characteristics of Latin American immigrants' cultural and media consumption practices? Are there any differences between cultural and media consumption in rural and urban environments? Do cultural and media consumption practices remain similar or become different in diasporic contexts? This new study employed qualitative methodologies that allowed for an in-depth comparative examination of communication practices among two major Latin American national groups in urban and rural areas: focus groups and semi-structured interviews with Ecuadorian and Colombian immigrants residing in Madrid and Murcia.

International studies on contemporary diasporic media point to selective participation and communication practices (Yúdice, 2009). Comparative analysis helped to clarify the sometimes conflicting strategies being established by diasporic communities in host countries, where interactions aimed at preserving heritage and traditions coexist with those that generate negotiated spaces and others that strengthen resistance. Scholars have demonstrated that these positions are dynamic and exchangeable (Georgiou, 2006). The term “space” is understood here as physical space but also as the imaginary space that generates inter- and intra-ethnic relations (Retis, 2011). The majority of respondents in focus groups and interviews emphasized the importance of environments that foster these modes of coexistence. Cultural and media consumption took place in: (1) the intimacy of a room equipped with a stereo, a TV, a video recorder, and/or a computer; (2) a negotiated common space of consumption, especially in multifamily and/or multigenerational houses; (3) indoor public environments such as libraries, schools, and particularly call centers and/or barber shops and restaurants; or (4) outdoor public environments such as parks and plazas. All these spaces confirm the diversity of spaces where individual and collective cultural and media consumption coexist and are experienced.

Transnational approaches (Levitt & Glick-Schiller, 2004; Smith & Guarnizo, 1998) allow us to analyze and understand how these practices remain similar or are being transformed in diasporic contexts (Retis, 2011). Scholars of Latin America agree that there have been some attempts to correct the lack of information and studies on cultural/media consumption in the region (Bisbal, 2001; Checa, 2010; Sunkel, 2006). Research has been generated in academic and institutional contexts as well as by the cultural industries. Countries such as Colombia, and also Mexico, Argentina, Chile, Uruguay, and Brazil, have sponsored quantitative research initiatives to study audiences at the national level. In contrast, countries like Ecuador are yet to develop such a research agenda (Basantes & Herrera, 2010; Checa, 2006; Machicado, 2008; Martín Barbero, 2009; Reguillo, 2009; Rincón, Zuluaga, Bonilla, & Cataño, 2010; Rosas, 2002; Sunkel, 2006; Trejo, 2006; Wortman, 2006). There remains a need today for a regional perspective and comparative analysis in the region (Retis, 2012).

Previous studies pointed to the centrality of electronic media consumption, the allocation of media and cultural consumption to the private space, the strong segmentation of high culture consumption, and the generation of interpretive communities of consumers (Martín Barbero, 2006). Latin American researchers acknowledge that civil societies appear less as national, territorial, linguistic, and political communities, and more as groups of people who share reading tastes and reading agreements on certain cultural assets (García Canclini, 2001). The formation of Latin American transnational audiences has been recognized by the cultural industries rather than by local, regional, and international governments (Almanza 2005; Rosas 2002; Sunkel 2006). This suggests that the preliminary findings of surveys and private research have been taken into account in establishing public policies (Retis, 2012).

Qualitative studies highlight the impact of new information technologies and communication in transnational production and consumption circuits. Ecuador, along with Colombia, Bolivia, and Venezuela are among the countries with the lowest Internet penetration in the region, while Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay, and Peru are somewhere in the middle. Because of the centrality of new technologies in transnational families' communication processes, some projects have sought to implement call centers in areas of the greatest emigration flows.

Studies of the cultural and media consumption of Latin American immigrants in Spain (Huertas, 2009; Ramirez, 2006; Retis, 2011; Santamarina, 2007), emphasize several trends: (1) diverse and complex patterns relating to immigrants' place of origin and the form of incorporation they experience in the host society; (2) the incidence of transnational structures, especially in familiar environments, that influence consumption habits; (3) the central role of immigrant social networks established in/from places of origin and host countries.

I argue that it is essential to abandon the category of immigrant as a homogeneous group based on national origins. In-depth interviews and group discussions reveal that the parameters of collective identity have more to do with transnational family status and immediate social liaisons – friends, relatives – than with national identification. These processes also involve not only generational and gender variables, but also socioeconomic class. In this sense, it is also imperative to take into account that complex identity strategies are marked with ambivalences. In spaces of consumption, the global market pushes in one direction and local proximity pushes the other way. Thus, our analyses should articulate the relationship between society, markets, and media systems (Callejo, 2005).

Ethnocentric approaches tend to analyze media and cultural consumption exclusively as they relate to the condition of immigrant. I argue that we should take into account positions of class and structural stratification when examining sociocultural dynamics. Latin American immigrant groups are heterogeneous and they settle in host societies that draw from a rich hybrid cultural baggage. It is the dialogue with the host society that promotes understanding between cultures, not the creation of social hierarchies of interaction. Little can be done to make progress in this area if paternalistic attitudes or perspectives based on fear remain unchanged in immigration studies (Retis, 2011, 2012).

In half of Latin American households in Spain all members were born abroad. Fewer than half of these households are made up of direct family members. A tenth of Latin Americans live with people from other South American countries, which means that some households are composed of extended families or of different families living under the same roof (Colectivo Ioé & Fernandez, 2008). This context influences individual and collective media/cultural consumption practices. A third of adults under the age of 45 have their children in the countries of origin and more than half of adults have no parents in Spain. As a consequence, transnational families develop new channels of communication: almost all Latin Americans maintain contact with their country of origin – more than half through phone calls once a week and more than a third via email or chat, three-quarters of them on a weekly basis. More than half of Latin Americans send money to their parents, children, or siblings. These remittances are also influencing consumption at the transnational level.

In some cases, the cultural and media consumption of Latin American diasporas parallels that of their countries of origin – especially in relation to music and mass media. In other cases, customs transform to incorporate new elements of the host country. Traditional media prevailed in our informants' consumption patterns. A generation gap, however, is beginning to develop: in-depth interviews and focus groups in Madrid and Murcia pointed to differences between “digital natives” and “digital immigrants.” The younger generations tend to act as interpreters and/or intermediary of digital media practices. As Latin American immigrants in the United States, the digital native generations are quickly incorporated as consumers of new and digital media, coexisting with the migrant generations in the transition and adaptation – sometimes successful, sometimes frustrated – to the use of new information and communication technologies (Retis, 2011, 2012).

Our research found that, as in their home countries, Latin American immigrants in Spain tend to prefer television, even if they spend on average fewer hours per week watching television than Spaniards. We also identified an increase in the consumption of international channels. The most popular networks were (in order of preference) Antena 3, Telecinco, and TVE. TV penetration was slightly higher among Ecuadorians than Colombians. We did not find any differences between urban and rural contexts in TV consumption in terms of hours or preferences. We found, however, that Latin American immigrants tend to listen to more hours of radio and more musical radio than Spaniards. Latino radio stations enjoyed larger penetration in urban than rural areas, but this was mainly due to better access to airwaves. More Ecuadorians than Colombians listened to musical radio but the relationship was reversed in the case of news radio shows. Latin American immigrants preferred free newspapers but read mainstream newspaper when they were able to access them in public spaces, such as cafeterias or bars. Immigrants read – in order of preference – free weekly, daily, and monthly publications, sports, and immigrant-oriented print media. The publications with the most impact included Latino and Sí Se Puede (Yes You Can). The most widely read monthly publication was Ocio Latino, an entertainment magazine.

In a trend also found in their home country, more than half of Latin American immigrants acknowledged never going to the movie theater. My study found that formal and informal circulation channels of film and TV productions in DVD format were established in diasporic contexts. The surveys identified higher mobile phone than telephone or Internet penetration. Only a quarter of immigrants had a computer with network access. However, half of them declared having gone online the day before the survey, which means that the use of call centers continues to be important and/or that Internet access from mobile phones has been increasing. Most of them accessed the Internet mainly to use email, view web pages, chat, or read news from their home countries.

Finally, the study demonstrated that the economic crisis has affected Latin American immigrants' living standards in Spain. In interviews and focus groups, respondents acknowledged having changed their practices and their consumption. In their responses they constantly made comparisons of the situation before and after the crisis. They mentioned reducing visits to restaurants and nightclubs and a greater preference for free or low-cost events. They were more likely to meet at home, in parks, or in public spaces where ethnic products are consumed. These practices continue to be popular for respondents in both urban and rural areas (Retis, 2012).

Latino Diasporas and the Media: Notes for Further Explorations

Over the past three decades Latin American diasporas have been consolidating abroad. In particular, the turn of the century brought new population flows to south European countries such as Spain, Italy, and Portugal. The current economic crisis in these countries is generating second or third international migratory projects: I have found Ecuadorians and Colombians moving from Madrid to northern European global cities such as London, as well as a return flow to home countries. The current contexts will lead to new transnational trends. However, there are still many gaps in understanding these processes at the local, national, and regional levels (Canales, 2011; Guarnizo, 2008; Retis, 2011, 2012). Research requires interdisciplinary approaches and a more comprehensive understanding of the social stratification and socioeconomic inequalities that transcend the prism of immigration. Private and commercial sectors have recognized the formation and growth of transnational communication practices. This is an area in which public, institutional, and academic research still has far to go.

My studies have examined mainstream media representations of otherness (Retis, 2006, 2013b); immigrant-oriented media production, distribution, and consumption (Retis, 2008, 2010a); and cultural and media consumption in diasporic contexts (Retis, 2011). The growing need for access to new technologies in the forms of communication and exchange in transnational living is one of the main challenges for public and institutional policies. Generational and socioeconomic gaps present challenges for administrations. These gaps, however, also provide a fertile ground for academic research.

The gradual geographic dispersion of Latin Americans in Spain suggests that regional and local administrations may require readjustment. Public discourse on strategies of integration tends to favor the national or regional levels when it is in the arena of local government that diversity strategies are needed. Immigrants who participated in my research demanded changes in the ways in which social and cultural programs, such as festivals or youth activities, were implemented. Most informants, but particularly those living in rural environments, demanded more openness when designing celebrations and events and better promotion of intercultural collective practices.

Latin American diasporas accustomed to processes of hybridization gradually incorporate cultural elements from both home and host societies. A respondent's joke powerfully illustrates this idea. She explained that the Spanish small town of Fuente Tocinos is known as the small (Colombian) town of Fuente Pereira because “everyone Colombian here is from Pereira.” In this regard, we call for a better understanding of transnational relations that transcend personal and familiar environments to overlap with community relations. Religious festivals and commemorative celebrations might become a barometer of these processes. Good examples of these are festivals and celebrations that take place every October such as Festival Vivamérica in Madrid, Los Angeles' Latino Heritage month celebrations, and the African American Festival in London's Trafalgar Square.

Analyzing and understanding Latin American diasporic practices poses a number of challenges. Latin Americans have joined the context of international migration as a result of geopolitical positions and the realignment of labor relations beyond their borders. The role of public discourse in understanding the structural and cyclical nature of diversity is central to this process. Latin America has been growing outside Latin America. In the United States it is expected that by 2050 almost 30% of the population will be “Hispanic” (Passel & Cohn, 2008); thus, transnational relations between the United States and Spain via “Latin American circuits” will become more evident, especially for those who can get residence permits and citizenship. Latin Americans construct diasporic communities, built in imaginary rather than physical space, and cultural and media consumption is a central element in their construction. The evidence of transnational audiences has already been recognized by the market and by private industries, but it remains a challenge for governments, institutions, and political administrations both in countries of origins and in the destinations of current international population flows.

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